Tensions rise in northern Somalia

UN calls for restraint over Somalia's disputed region

Features: Bad Choices

Mahdi Ahmed Abdi, Washington D.C. September, East Africa Policy Institute

As worrisome as things look, the real crisis facing Somaliland is much larger than the current evolving situation. It goes much deeper than whether Qaran gets to run in the next election or not or whether its leadership gets charged with some phony charges and gets barred from participating in the political process, the real problem lays in the fact that there are no real viable mechanisms to resolve this political difference in the country.

The court system is viewed by most as nothing more than an extension of the executive branch, the lower house is kept in check by the upper house which is beholden to the president for having extended their term in office for another four years, there is an extra judicial security body which routinely arrests people without bringing any charges and can hold those unfortunate souls that merit their attention indefinitely. Corruption is rampant and a real drain on the economy and progress of the nation, and the government is accountable to no one.

All of this is done under the guise of democracy, and any attempt to reform the system or protest these intolerable conditions, swiftly brings about charges of undermining the stability of the country by those in power and the people are left without a voice or any meaningful way to address this predicament. In addition they are tasked to carry the burden and the relentless abuses of a government closely resembling the failed horrific ones in the past and no easy way out of this seemingly impossible situation without jeopardizing the long established and hard won peace.

The burning question is how can someone bring about needed change when democracy doesn't seem to work? An old adage instructs anyone interested in advancing democracy to give the people more democracy when democracy doesn't seem to be working. The prospects of that happening in Somaliland while this regime is in power are unlikely to say the least.

This crisis before us today and how we deal with this matter is going to have a tremendous effect on how we resolve difficult issues in the future. The tendency is to do what comes easy to us all, and that is to do nothing and hope for the best, or respond in kind and hope for the best. They are both easily done and they are both wrong. We can all relate to the notion, or may have experienced ourselves finding out that for every complex problem there is a simple and very flawed solution for it.

Case and point; Saddam Hussein is a bad leader and the simple solution was to invade Iraq.

The genesis of the current conflict stems from the long established and very destructive notion of the imperial president with unchecked powers. The two houses are divided and unable to pass any new laws, the Judicial Branch is nothing more than an extension of the president as he appoints and dismisses them at will (no such power is granted to the president by the Constitution), and considering recent developments, Rayaale is doing a pretty good job at impersonating a villain and looking like the immovable object oblivious to reason and good judgment.

Before coming to this conclusion one should take into account his background and the circumstances that brought him into power and what he found when he got there.

He is traveling through a well worn path laid to him by the likes of former Kenyan president Moi whose motto was "fuata nyayo" (follow my footsteps) . Rayaale, like Arap Moi came to be chosen as vice presidents because both men were seen by their respective presidents as posing little or no threat to challenge the seat of power. Both men came to power after their larger than life predecessors (Egal and Kenyatta) died, and both inherited what amounted to absolute powers. Arap Moi managed to rule Kenya for 24 years, whether Rayaale is going to be as successful is a very big question mark, but he has always been underestimated and this has served him well, because he is very good at taking advantage of his opportunities when they present themselves, and more importantly he believes he is entitled to be president for life.

Ultimately whether he succeeds or not will entirely depend on how the rest of us react to his ever erratic moves and moods. To stand aside and hope for the president to do the right thing is not an option if one desires to bring about change and influence the process.

Democracy does not work too well when it is taken at face value, it needs constant vigilance and real checks and balances to the power of any individual or entity. The honor system trap where we elect people into offices and watch them make a mockery of our laws and plunder whatever little treasure we have must come to an end.

Of course before this can happen, one must make a conscious decision to put the country before perceived but never materialized personal or clan gains. This is a tall order for a tribal society such as ours to tackle where it is much easier to engage in intra/extra clan pissing contest than to see the common values and interest we all share.

Rayaale maybe unpopular in many camps, but he believes the odds favor him to come back and win in the coming contest, this is not a fools dream but a real possibility rooted in the ever present competition for supremacy by the Habar phenomenon. The old true and tried method of dived and conquer lives and is working well in Somaliland, and the best example of that is being manifested in what is taking place in the HabarYonis struggle to find a political base after Rayaale shut down that possibility when he arrested Dr. Gabose and his Qaran partners.

This leaves them with nothing but poor choices, they can punish Udub and join Kulimiye despite their earlier reservations, take up arms and flex their muscle and force Rayaale to change his mind about Qaran, or tuck tail and go back to Udub and support the very president who humiliated them.

Kulmiye Party is engaged in a delicate dance to bring in disillusioned Habar Yonis into the fold without making Sacad Musse who have invested some serious sweat equity in building the party too nervous about their status within the party. Anyone who can manage to keep Habar Jeclo, Habar Yonis and Sacad Musse in the same tent deserves to win. There are some ongoing initial hiccups, but the odds favor this combination to come on top if it takes roots.

Ucid never had a chance to seriously compete for the top job in the previous election and Faysal Ali "Warabe" has been unable to change that fact. His main goal at this point seems to be to keep Qaran from running in the next municipal elections so that Ucid can remain as one of the three national parties.

With all of this horse trading going on, the missing ingredient remains accountability and defense of government actions and record in the last five years by the Udub Party, and tangible vision and specific steps and plans to address the multitude of problems facing the nation, economically, socially and politically by any of the opposition parties. The fact that the opposition parties have the majority in the parliament and have not challenged may of the abuses of the executive such as the total control of the judicial Branch by the president, and the illegal detention of the Qaran leadership as well as ordinary citizens who are arrested on a regular basis without ever seeing the inside of a court is lost to no-one. Not a single resolution was passed by the parliament condemning any actions taken the president, and this parliament remains largely silent while the country is facing what amounts to a constitutional crisis.

Somaliland is at a cross road, and how the coming election turns out will shape its future direction, tribal loyalties per se may not be necessarily a bad thing, a clan can be viewed largely as the natural constituents of someone who is seeking to be elected into an office, but supporting any thug simply because he happens to be in one's own clan is a recipe for disaster and we can see the results today in the current government.

Whether true democracy is going to take hold or become a failed experiment hinges largely on what we find more odious, a totalitarian government or allowing a guy from our least favorite clan to come into office.

Somaliland Times conducted on Friday night [ 21 September] a telephone interview with the commander of NATO's Standing Maritime Group 1 (SNMG1), US Navy Rear Admiral Michael K. Mahon, who recently embarked with a force of NATO ships which set sail on 30 July 2007 to make an historic 12,500 nautical mile circumnavigation of the African continent on a two month deployment from August to October this year as part of NATO's commitment to global security. The commander of SNMG1, US Navy Rear Admiral Michael K. Mahon, talked to Somaliland Times from on board the flagship of the NATO multinational force, the USS Normandy sailing off the coast of Somalia in the Indian Ocean.

The multinational force comprising one cruiser, four frigates and a tanker from six different NATO nations, USA, Canada, Holland, Germany, Denmark, and Portugal are on the last leg of their tour of the African continent and will be spending under two weeks deployed around the Horn conducting "presence operations" and the red sea, finally heading to the Suez.

Interview with Rear Admiral Michael K Mahon (interviewed by Somaliland Times editor Rashid Mustafa H. Nur)

Somaliland Times: Rear Admiral Michael K Mahon, thank you for giving us this opportunity to talk to you.

Admiral Mahon: It's a pleasure to talk to you.

Somaliland Times: Sir, where are you speaking from at present, and where about is your fleet sailing in the Indian Ocean?

Admiral Mahon: I am talking to you from on deck the flagship of the Standing NATO Maritime Group 1 (SNMG1), the USS Normandy, and we are somewhere off the Somali coast in international waters. Though I cannot explicitly say, but somewhere between the southern portion off the Somali coast in the Indian Ocean.

Somaliland Times: How far will you be from the Somali coast?

Admiral Mahon: I cannot say, but what I can say is that we are in international waters off the Somali coast.

Somaliland Times: How long will you be in this particular area?

Admiral Mahon: We will be present in the Indian Ocean for the next coming 10 days and will set sail for the Gulf of Aden from thereon to maintain a "presence operations" in the Red Sea and then sail through the Suez Canal back into the Mediterranean.

Somaliland Times: What exactly will you be doing off the Somali coast?

Admiral Mahon: Our naval force will be conducting surveillance and "presence operations" off the Somali coast in international waters. What this basically means is monitoring what is going on in these waters and compiling a picture of the movement of vessels, shipping patterns and activities over this period of time. Also, at this crucial point in time, where there is a humanitarian crisis in Somalia, there is a great need to secure the Somali coast of piracy, since there are grave concerns for the safety of shipping carrying aid to Somalia as a result of acts of piracy occurring in these waters on regular basis. And, as you are aware of this, the threat of piracy is real in these waters and life threatening for millions of Somalis dependent on humanitarian aid. The presence of our vessels will deter any criminal maritime activities being carried out and attacks of piracy on ships carrying humanitarian aid, as well as on merchant vessels.

Somaliland Times: So you are out there, basically, to catch Somali pirates?

Admiral Mahon: No. On the contrary, we are not. As I said, purely, we have a "presence operations" and that is all.

Somaliland Times: If you happen to come across "Somali pirates" on the verge of hijacking a ship carrying humanitarian aid or commercial goods, what will you do?

Admiral Mahon: We will act according to the international maritime laws and conventions which directs all states and countries the legal obligation to counter piracy and gives any war vessel of any state on government service the right of seizure and arrest of persons and vessels carrying out piracy or criminal activities on the high seas. We are legally obliged to act according to the international laws and conventions relating to pirates and piracy.

Somaliland Times: Will your vessels be traversing into Somali territorial waters?

Admiral Mahon: No, we have no intention of our vessels sailing or entering into Somali territorial waters. Unless, otherwise, that is we are formally invited by the host government.

Somaliland Times: If you receive a formal invitation from the current government in Somalia, will you sail into Somali territorial waters?

Admiral Mahon: I take your question as being political in tone; I have to say, no, we will have to wait from Brussels to get the go ahead for this.

Somaliland Times: Will you make any contact or correspondence with the governments in Somalia and Somaliland while you are sailing off the Somali coast?

Admiral Mahon: No, we cannot have direct contact with any government without Brussels acknowledgement.

Somaliland Times: I take you will not be calling on the port of Berbera in the Gulf of Aden?

Admiral Mahon: No, Sir.

Somaliland Times: Will you be calling on Djibouti?

Admiral Mahon: No, we will not be visiting port of Djibouti.

Somaliland Times: Is this a one-time thing with the NATO task force circumventing the African coastline or are we going to see more of this?

Admiral Mahon: No, this is not a one-time thing by the multinational forces of NATO. NATO has made a commitment to global security and closer collaboration with African countries. Forging closer maritime links with African countries is our top priority at NATO, which will further help to build greater maritime awareness to global security.

Somaliland Times: Rear Admiral, It's been a pleasure talking to you, thank you for taking the time to talk to us.

Admiral Mahon: Thank you.

The fighting started after the self-declared republic of Somaliland forces fired artilleries at bases of the Puntland forces in the area where the two forces are facing each other. The Puntland forces responded with artilleries.

Reports say the two sides exchanged D30, Art5, Howtzer artilleries and different kind of anti aircraft missiles that includes Zuu and 37.

SBC reporter in Laas Caanood of Sool region, Ahmad Muhammad Jama, has said that the exchange of artilleries by the two sides was heard in Laascacnood town. Residents in the Laas Caanood expressed concern over the fighting on the western outskirts of the town.

Both sides had not given further details over the yesterday's heavy fighting, however, the commander of Puntland forces, Said Goryo Cawl, told our reporter, Ahmad Sufi, at the front-line, that there was no casualty suffered by Puntland's defence forces, but added that they had inflicted casualties on Somaliland forces, although he didn't specified it.

On the other hand, our reporter who contacted the commander of the Somaliland forces in Oog, called Dhancadde, declined to comment on casualties suffered by the Somaliland forces, and told him to contact the ministry of defence which had the mandate to comment on the issue.

Residents of Laas Caanood have been widely talking about the fighting in Abeesaley settlement, 28 kilometres west of the town.

There is no sign of peace efforts by the two sides to stop the conflict.

The president of the Puntland regional administration, Mahmud Muse Hirsi, has accused Somaliland of aggression, adding that Puntland would defend itself.

It was later said that three defectors plus their guns were handed over to Ethiopian army officers on the Ethiopian side of the border town on Saturday [22 September].

This was confirmed to Haatuf by eyewitnesses.

However, Somaliland's police commissioner, Muhammad Sanqadhi Dubad, whom we contacted by phone, declined to comment on the matter and said "ask the person who told you the story," and disconnected the telephone.

On the other hand, the chairman of Tog-wajaale, Qawrax, who witnessed the matter, similarly declined to give any details but said "the government is better placed to comment on this issue than me".

Reports say sounds of artillery fire and various guns could be strongly heard in the town of Laas Caanood. Damage caused by the fighting which erupted this morning remains unknown.

Many troops from both sides have been camped on the outskirts of the town recently, and today's fighting appears heavier than the one which took place last week.

The report said there was no immediate word from Addis Ababa, which has sent soldiers to support an interim government in neighbouring Somalia threatened by Islamist-led insurgents.

Ethiopian forces entered the town of Buholde on Friday and occupied the main police station before arresting six Somalis in four vehicles, the chairman of Somaliland's central region of Togdheer, Abdi Hussein Dere, told reporters, according to the report.

"The cars were on their way to Mogadishu," the report qouted Dere as telling a news conference.

"After their arrest, I think Ethiopian informers told the troops the arrested men belonged to al Qaeda." Somalia's interim administration often accuses foreign jihadists of working with local insurgents in the capital to carry out roadside bombings and assassinations that have targeted the government and its Ethiopian military allies.

In June, the U.S. military launched air strikes on the semi-autonomous region of Puntland, which borders Somaliland.

U.S. officials declined to comment on a CNN report that they were targeting a suspect in the 1998 bombings of the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, which killed 240 people.

The United States also launched air strikes in southern Somalia in January aimed at three top al Qaeda suspects but killed the suspects' allies instead, U.S. officials have said.

The president strongly decried comments made by the Somaliland defence minister to the effect that Somaliland forces will seize the whole [disputed] region of Sool. The president said the remarks by the Somaliland minister were a dream.

President Mahmud Muse said the Puntland administration will take clear measures against the Hargeysa [Somaliland] administration.

He said Puntland was always working for security and togetherness, adding that his administration will take clear actions against the Somaliland forces.

The Puntland leader also denied a report by the Mogadishu-based radios of Shabeelle and HornAfrik that said there was fighting ongoing between Somali Transitional Federal Government forces and Somaliland. [Passage omitted]

Amnesty International calls for the immediate and unconditional release of three leaders of an emergent opposition party who were arrested in the Somaliland capital of Hargeisa on 28 July.

They are Mohamed Abdi “Gabose”, a neurologist and former minister in the Somaliland and Somalia Governments; Mohamed Hashi Elmi, a civil engineer and former Mayor of Hargeisa; and Jamal Aideed, a telecommunications businessperson. They are respectively the chairperson, the vice-chairperson and the second vice-chairperson of the Qaran party (“The Nation”), which is not so far legally registered but had begun informal political activities in advance of the local elections expected to be held in December 2007.

The Interior Minister had some days earlier warned the three Qaran party leaders to stop holding public meetings and threatened them with serious criminal charges, accusing them of “fuelling unrest”. To Amnesty International’s knowledge, there have been no demonstrations or violent incidents involving Qaran supporters.

The three men are detained in Mandera prison, 70 kilometres east of Hargeisa. They were taken to court and remanded for investigation into alleged unlawful political activities. They have not so far been charged with any offence and have been held incommunicado since 3 August 2007, after initially being allowed access to their legal representatives and families.

Amnesty International considers these three people to be prisoners of conscience. It is concerned that they may be detained without charge or trial for a prolonged period, or subjected to an unfair trial.

In the last elections in 2002, only three political parties (one government-linked and two in opposition) were allowed, due to the proliferation of parties at the time and to prevent the formation of parties based on clan affiliations. There is currently no mechanism for registering new parties as the registration committee was disbanded in 2002.

The Republic of Somaliland declared independence from Somalia in 1991, but has not so far gained international recognition. It is the only part of the former Somali Republic to have established security and functioning institutions of governance, with a government through a multi-party system.

Three previous prisoners of conscience were journalists of Haatuf newspaper. They were detained in January 2007, subjected to unfair trial and variously imprisoned for two years and 29 months, then released by presidential pardon in late March.

The un-registered ‘Qaran party’ leaders, Dr Gabose, Mr Hashi and Mr Aidiid were arrested last Saturday by the government and were brought before Hargeysa Regional Court which issued a 7 day remand order for the leaders to be imprisoned in Mandera high security jail in Sahil region, while the government prosecutors prepare their case against the three Qaran leaders who are charged with various state and public order crimes.

In the interview, the minister was asked “what were the actual activities by Qaran party leaders that the government thinks was causing instability in the country?”

Minister: The government had made it clear to the Qaran party members that the time for political campaigning has not been decreed by the government and the National Election Commission, as directed in the constitution, and that not even the national three registered parties, Kulmiyey, Udub and Ucid have the right and permission to start election campaigns, let alone a non-registered political new party.

We warned Qaran but they decided not to adhere to our warnings and they continued with their political rallies and election campaigns, and this led to a number of incidents which seriously threatened the stability and peace in those districts where they held their rallies and caused clashes; for this reason the government had to act in order to safeguard the public safety and peace.

BBC: What clashes were these, and where exactly did they occur? These gentlemen say that they were the ones responsible for creating this peace and stability in the country and are the founding fathers and veterans of the struggle and Somaliland. Please, explain what exactly this instability that you say they caused?

Minister: To have a meeting and hold a gathering without government permission is not right. I have said that not even the legal national parties are permitted to hold public gatherings without the government’s consent. Furthermore, whether you are a veteran or not makes not the least difference. Anyway, we are all veterans; we all had some kind of direct and indirect association with the struggle and liberation of Somaliland. We are all freedom fighters, those in and outside the country, young and old alike. Everyone, has in one form or the other been promoted, worked and employed by the old regime. We all served in the government of Sayyid Barre. I don’t know who they particularly mean when they say so and so is ‘Faqash’ (a person loyal to Siyad Barre’s military dictatorship).

BBC: Do the terms “Faqash” and “NSS” (Siyad Barre’s secret service) bother you and the president since you both were high ranking (colonels) officers of the dreaded NSS right up to his downfall. Are you upset by the press releases by prominent figures and clan elders who state that you and the president are invoking “your old” ways, i.e Siyad Barre’s NSS tactics?

Minister: I cannot deny that I was a NSS officer. The actual word ‘NSS’ itself needs to be understood correctly. It means the upholder of peace and stability. It should not be seen to mean anything else than what it means. The same is true all over the world: security agencies are there to secure the stability and peace of a nation. Whether one was Siyad Barre’s NSS or president Rayale’s, it makes no difference. There were those who did worse jobs than NSS officers. I see no problem to be labeled ‘NSS’.

BBC: Yes, but these people say that the NSS of Siyad Barre used to commit a lot of crimes, and as a matter of fact they did commit crimes, there is no denying that Siyad Barre’s regime killed, imprisoned and tortured many people?

Minister: History will reveal who were those responsible for the heinous crimes, and the masses know who they were. Maybe, not those born after Siyad Barre’s regime will differentiate who did what, and who was innocent. God will eventually be the one who judges.

BBC: Minster, some people and those party members of Qaran argue that the ministry of interior, and the government in general, has no business to get involved in a constitutional crises, and should have let the proper authorities, the judiciary who are responsible for the constitution and its interpretation, be left to make the verdict regarding the legality of Qaran party. Was your government afraid of letting the courts make a decision on their own regarding this matter?

Minister: No, it should be up to the person (plaintiff) to seek the judgments of the legal courts. It’s not our duty or responsibility. Our duty is to uphold the peace and stability of this country. It’s Qaran who should have sought the legal advice of the courts, not us. It’s Qaran who did not follow legal procedures. Had they wanted to seek legal advice, they would have petitioned the Supreme Court to reach a verdict in this matter, and we, as the government, would have defended our position in the Supreme Court hearing relating to this issue.

BBC: Many people believe that the constitution allows for the freedom of speech, freedom of association, the right to form political organisations, hold meetings, etc, etc. And that many political organisations, along with the three national parties can enter and compete for the local government elections, and the first three parties/organisations which get the first 20% of the local government election in all the six regions of the country become qualified to compete in the presidential race election, and eventually, become the national three political parties of the country as endorsed in the constitution.

Minister: For your knowledge, no one has refused the right for freedom of speech, every night, you have seen what the local media writes and broadcasts. The criticism, the bad mouthing and lies by the media against the government is all too well documented. No one has said you cannot air your personal opinions and thoughts, but nevertheless, Qaran does not have legal permission to hold political rallies, and all we are saying to Qaran is for them to wait until the appropriate time, and for them to seek the court’s decision. This is the problem between us and Qaran, that’s all it is.

BBC: There are reports that the government arrested this week two people whose premises were used for a press conference in which the government was condemned for last week’s arrests of the Qaran leaders, can you confirm if this is true?

Minister: Yes, the jailing of these particular two persons is true. The government’s actions are not limited to only the three Qaran leaders, but to whoever breaks the law and continues to engage in activities associated with Qaran. We will arrest and detain, and these two persons were among those we determined as being involved with the activities of Qaran. Whoever becomes involved in political activities will be arrested and will have to face the law.

As a Somaliland citizen in Diaspora, I and on behalf of my fellow Countrymen and women who care about Somaliland and hold precious to the virtues of democracy, justice, equality and the rule of Law, strongly condemn the recent arrests of 3 prominent members of the Qaran political party by the authorities in Hargeysa last week.

The three members, namely Dr. M. Gabose, Mr Mohamed Hashi and Mr. J Aideed were detained by the police in Mandhera prison without trial.

We believe the arrests were unlawful and politically motivated and constitute to gross violations of both human rights and Constitutional rights of the individuals concerned.

The imprisonment of the three men was the latest in a series of arbitrary arrests in which number of innocent people have been detained without trial or due legal process. Earlier this year, three journalists working for Haatuf Media Network had been incarcerated for more than 100 days and turned blind in the eyes of the law.

We therefore, strongly condemn the capricious imprisonment of the three members of the Qaran party and any other unlawful jailing of similar nature whereby the constitutional and human rights of an individual has been violated and thus demand the immediate and unconditional release of the three Qaran party members.

We further demand the restoration of the dignity and freedom of the three men and urge the authorities in Somaliland, particularly the president to refrain from the use of repression, unlawful imprisonment and other high-handed tactics against his political opponents and without any due consideration to the Laws of the Land and individual Civil Liberties.

We also warn President Dahir Rayale and his catspaws against the serious perils of his draconic practice and the potential that unlawful arrests of high profile citizens can trigger a major civilian unrest, which could undermine the peace and stability of the country and hinder Somaliland’s democratic process.

To the people of Somaliland as whole I have the following to say: It does not matter whether or not you support Qaran Party or have political allegiance to the individual detained.

The overriding truth is that any unlawful imprisonment of a citizen of Somaliland is unacceptable and must not be tolerated and hence the detention of Dr. M. Gabose, Mr. Mohamed Hashi and Mr M. Aided summons our morals with obligation that we must act in protest of such practices.

I therefore urge the civilian population of Somaliland to make their voices heard and stand for the defense of our citizens Constitutional Rights.

Our silence and indifference to president Rayale’s dreadful behavior simply encourages his tyranny and taints our morals with guilt of not doing anything.

The leaders of Qaran Party, Dr M. Gabose (chair), Mr M. Hashi (vice-chair) and Mr J. Aidid (second vice-chair), were arrested by the Somaliland government early this morning [ 28 July] around 8 a.m. They are accused of engaging in unauthorized political activities because they have established a political party.

News of the pending arrest of Qaran leaders has been circulating in the country in the last few days but when we asked Somaliland's police commissioner, he denied that there were such plans and accused the media of fabricating news, which only shows that he was either lying or didn't know what is going on. Stay tuned.

Preparations by Somaliland government to shutdown the non-registered and newly-formed political party Qaran gained momentum last week (16 July) when the ministry of interior issued a stern public warning to Qaran party leaders to stop "holding public meetings, rallies, and all political activities or face serious criminal court charges."

Somaliland Times was told by sources inside the police department that the government issued on Thursday daytime [ 26 July] a warrant for the arrest of the main Qaran party leaders, Dr M. Gabose (chair), Mr M. Hashi (vice-chair) and Mr J. Aydid (second vice-chair), and that the police have been instructed to be on standby to arrest the Qaran party leaders and their party activists.

On Thursday night, Somaliland Times spoke to Somaliland's Chief Police Commissioner Mr M. Saqadi, and he strongly rejected the claim that the government had issued orders for Qaran party leader's arrest. Mr Saqadi added: "This is news to me. I don't know where you, media people, get these lies from?"

Qaran party officials who spoke to Somaliland Times on Thursday night could not confirm that an arrest warrant had been issued for their party leaders, and said "we only heard rumours but we don't have evidence yet."

The press statement, issued by Interior Minister Mr Abdullahi Isma'il last week, was the first time that the government had threatened Qaran party. The statement underlined that the government was losing patience and that "it will no longer tolerate those few individuals who are bent on fuelling unrest and mayhem in the country and if they continue to hold these illegal activities, they would face the law."

A day after the minister's statement, Qaran party officials held a press conference in response to the minister in which they said "we will exercise our constitutional rights, whether the ministry of interior objects or not. It is not the job of the ministry of interior to interpret constitutional issues without prior legal judgment and verdict from the Constitutional Court, which in this case, has not issued a ruling regarding the legal status of 'Qaran' as a political organization, and since no court of law has made any legal judgments for or against their party, we will continue to operate as a political organization."

HARGEISA, Somalia (Reuters 28 Jul 2007) - The government of the breakaway Somali republic of Somaliland on Saturday arrested three politicians planning to form an opposition party, in a move diplomats said could hurt its bid for sovereignty.

Security forces arrested the leader of the Qaran political association, Mohamed Abdi Gaboose, and his deputies Mohamed Hashi Elmi and Jamal Aideed Ibrahim, and charged them with founding an illegal organization and creating instability.

A regional court ordered the three held at Mandera prison.

Somaliland permits by law only three political parties, a situation which Qaran has criticised repeatedly.

It wants voter registration -- due earlier this month -- to go ahead so that it can gain the numbers it needs to be among the three legally recognised parties ahead of presidential elections due on April 15. All three existing parties, including that of President Dahir Rayale Kahin, oppose that.

"We strongly condemn the arrest of the leaders of the political organization. We strongly urge that they immediately be released," said Mohamed Saed Hirsi, chair of the Somaliland Lawyers' Association. The government had no immediate comment.

FUNDS AT RISK

Diplomats say the arrests may put at risk funds which the government hoped to get for local elections due later this year.

"This would obviously jeopardise the democratic process the international community is willing to support," said a Nairobi-based diplomat who declined to be named.

"By doing so, Somaliland is probably jeopardising its efforts to gain recognition for its sovereignty."

Somaliland, in the northwestern corner of Somalia bordering Ethiopia, broke away from the rest of the country in 1991, when warlords overthrew last national president Mohamed Siad Barre.

Since then, the former British Somaliland has pushed for sovereignty on the grounds that it was separate for a few days after independence in 1960 until it joined the former Italian colony of Somalia to form the modern state.

The African Union and its predecessor body have generally preferred to keep nations within the colonial borders at independence to discourage a flood of separatist movements.

Somaliland has won some in the international community to its side, but is still struggling to gain critical mass. It refuses to have anything to do with the interim government in the rest of Somalia, which also claims Somaliland.

Meanwhile in Mogadishu, gunmen late on Friday fired rockets at a hotel housing delegates to a national reconciliation conference seen as the last good chance for the interim government to gain peace and boost its legitimacy.

No casualties were reported.

Insurgents from a militant Islamist movement the government drove out of the capital with Ethiopian help in late December have attacked the conference since its start on July 15, though none has directly hit the venue.

The Somaliland delegation included ministers and parliamentarians and were received in Las Anod by local elders, politicians and former Puntland officials, local sources said.

Bashi Mohamud Farah, second deputy Speaker of Somaliland's House of Representatives, told local press that the unannounced visit to the region is part the Somaliland administration's efforts to bring development initiatives to Las Anod.

Deputy Speaker Farah's delegation, which included Justice Minister Ahmed Hassan Ali, met with local leaders in Las Anod.

It was unclear if the Somaliland delegation met with Ahmed Abdi Habsade, the former Puntland security minister who was sacked earlier this month.

Delegation members told reporters that they plan to regularly conduct government affairs in Las Anod, noting that Puntland soldiers who used to stand in their way are no longer there.

Somaliland, the northwestern regions in Somalia, unilaterally declared independence in 1991 but has not gained recognition since.

The breakaway region claims ownership of Sool and Sanaag regions under colonial-era boundaries, but neighboring semiautonomous Puntland administration forcefully evicted Somaliland officials from Las Anod in late 2002.

Officials in the Puntland capital, Garowe, said Puntland troops in the Las Anod area were redeployed to other regions, including the Somali capital Mogadishu. Others had simply left their barracks due to nonpayment, the same source said.

The two sub-regions fought bloody wars several times along their unofficial border, including a single-day battle in Sanaag region three months ago.

Commenting on the forthcoming general elections, Mr Andre said that Somaliland should continue with the democratic process in order to finalize pending issues that are necessary for the coming elections. He further promised that the EU will give financial support to Somaliland in order to make the election successful.

The president of the Republic of Somaliland has said that it was necessary that the EU gives special consideration to the needs of Somaliland in terms of economical development specially on health, infrastructure and other social services.

The reports were received from the spokesman of Somaliland, Said Adani Moge, who said that the EU special envoy is expected to hold several meetings with politicians and other non-governmental organizations operating in Somaliland.

"We received the invitation ... We will be back on Sunday [ 15 July]." That was what Italy's special envoy to Somalia, Mario Raffaelli, said on Wednesday regarding the reconciliation conference that was supposed to open in Mogadishu on Sunday. Well, Sunday came and neither Raffaelli nor EU Special Envoy to Somalia Georges-Marc Andre were to be seen anywhere in Mogadishu.

The reason for their absence is not a mystery either: fear for their lives. Mogadishu is a dangerous place and a conference organized by the hated and despised Transitional Federal Government (TFG) would only make it more dangerous. The Europeans knew this, but they said the opposite. It is all part of the wicked game that is going on in Somalia, a game of deceit, lying, and murder. The international community is a big part of this dirty game. Saying they will be back when they knew very well that they won't be back is part of the game. Painting a positive picture of the grim situation in Mogadishu is part of this game. Spending millions of dollars on a doomed conference that will only create bigger problems between Somalis is part of this game. Claiming to want peace among Somalis while at the same time stoking the fires of conflict is part of the game. But it is one thing to play with someone else's life, and quite another when it comes to your own. It is one thing to gamble with the lives of a thousand or so desperate and foolish Somalis by encouraging them and paying their way to a "reconciliation conference" in the middle of an inferno, and quite another to risk your own valuable European life.

There is one bit of good news though: most Somalis know enough about the situation in Mogadishu not to take the Europeans' rosy statements seriously. The Africans, too, are adequately informed about what is like in Mogadishu, and that is why there were less than a handful of African representatives in the conference. The same is true of the Arabs.

Judging by what the international media wrote about conditions in Mogadishu and the circumstances surrounding the conference, it is clear that the rest of the world was not taken in by the misleading pronouncements of the European diplomats. To cite just a few examples, Newsweek described Mogadishu as "a burning place." The New York Times called it, "another Baghdad in the making." Reuters quoted one of the inhabitants of Mogadishu as saying, "I'm afraid for my life. I want to flee the city."

Since the invasion of Somalia by Ethiopia, Somalis have become accustomed to hearing American diplomats spin self-serving positive descriptions of the situation in Mogadishu. Now it seems that some European diplomats have joined them in this sleazy ritual.

European and American government officials constantly lecture other countries about the virtues of integrity and transparency. It is high time that they should practice what they preach. They could start by talking honestly about the situation in Somalia.

Commenting on the forthcoming general elections, Mr Andre said that Somaliland should continue with the democratic process in order to finalize pending issues that are necessary for the coming elections. He further promised that the EU will give financial support to Somaliland in order to make the election successful.

The president of the Republic of Somaliland has said that it was necessary that the EU gives special consideration to the needs of Somaliland in terms of economical development specially on health, infrastructure and other social services.

The reports were received from the spokesman of Somaliland, Said Adani Moge, who said that the EU special envoy is expected to hold several meetings with politicians and other non-governmental organizations operating in Somaliland.

Today's release of Abdirahman Mohammed Habane came after Somaliland Journalists Association, Somaliland human rights defenders and the management of Jamhuuriya newspaper met in Borame the Traditional elder, whose supporters accused the journalist of making partial report on the inaugural ceremony of the elder. Following discussions on the issue, the Traditional Elder and the Media and Human Rights Groups asked the CID to release the journalist as they resolved the problem.

Officers from Criminal Investigation Department in Awdal region arrested the journalist in Borame. Reliable sources told the National Union of Somali Journalists that the journalist was arrested on controversial news report that he made on inaugural ceremony of an elder as a Traditional Leader in Awdal region. Following the publication of the report, there were clashes between the supporters of the Traditional elder and people against the elder's inauguration.

Paris-based Reporters Without Borders said Abdirahman Mohammed Habane, a journalist with the Jamhuuriya daily newspaper based in the Somaliland capital Hargeisa, was released on Thursday.

"Reporters Without Borders hails the release ... He had been held since 12 July because of a controversial article about the swearing-in of a traditional leader," a statement said.

Habane was freed after the Somaliland Journalists Association, Jamhuuriya's management and local human rights activists went to see the traditional leader concerned, the statement added.

Jamhuuriya editor Hassan Said Yusuf has been arrested 15 times in the past 10 years.

Somaliland seceded from Somalia in May 1991, five months after late Somali strongman Mohamed Siad Barre was overthrown, and is still struggling to achieve international recognition.

On Monday and Tuesday, a total of 1,043 people arrived, to the warm and loud welcome of the local population, at the UNHCR-run camp from Kebribeyah, some 120 kilometers to the south, and there will be a convoy every three days, UNHCR said.

"Praised be to Allah that I managed to escape the chaos and extreme violence of [the Somali capital] Mogadishu with my 10 children to enjoy such a rousing welcome," te statement quoted one of the refugees as saying.

It said she was part of a group of 4,000 Somali refugees recently granted refugee status by UNHCR and the Ethiopian government after fleeing fighting over the past year in central and southern Somalia between the Ethiopian-backed Transitional Federal Government and Islamist insurgents.

The refugees have been staying in Kebribeyah, which, the UN agency said, had limited room for expansion.

An estimated 7,000 additional Somalis are waiting to be screened for refugee status at other sites in eastern Ethiopia, the statement added.

"We looked at a number of options and found that although it is close to the border, Teferi Ber is the best location because there is water," explained George Menze, head of the UNHCR office in the regional capital, Jijiga.

The Teferi Ber camp was officially closed in 2001 after all the refugees returned, mainly to nearby Somaliland.

This has brought the total number of new asylum seekers to an estimated 23,000. In addition to the 4,000 recognized refugees and 7,000 asylum seekers in eastern Ethiopia, thousands more Somalis remain in remote, difficult-to-access border areas such as Dolo and Suftu in south-eastern Ethiopia.

Since April 2006, UNHCR has recorded a steady influx of Somali refugees into eastern Ethiopia.

The reopening of Teferi Ber reverses a trend which has seen the closure of eight out of nine refugee camps in eastern Ethiopia over the past few years and the gradual winding down of UNHCR's operations for Somali refugees in the area.

At the height of the Somali emergency in 1988, UNHCR was caring for more than 628,000 Somali refugees in Ethiopia, a figure which dropped to 10,365 by the end of organized repatriation to Somalia in 2005.

The camp at Kebribeyah today hosts 16,572 Somali refugees most of whom arrived in Ethiopia in 1991.

Most of Puntland's population relies on livestock and fishing, but poor rainfall has left people struggling to make ends meet.

The Minister for Local Government and Regional Development, Ali Abdi Aware, said the problem was most acute in the eastern region of Bari and parts of the disputed region of Sanaag (both Puntland and Somaliland claim the area).

"We had very little Deyr rains [October-November] and we have had even less rain in the Gu season [April-June] so far, which has exacerbated an already bad situation," Aware told IRIN.

He added: "We are getting reports of livestock dying and people who depend on fishing seem to be suffering the most. Because of the high seas, they cannot go out to fish and what little livestock they had is either dying or so weak they cannot even sell it, much less use it for milk and meat."

Said Waberi Mohamed, the district commissioner of Qandala, one of the worst affected areas, said some families had already left their homes and there were severe food shortages, adding: "We depend on fishing and livestock and both are out of reach now."

Mohamed said the Puntland administration had a plan to truck water to the most seriously affected areas, but they "did not have the capacity" to deal with the situation alone.

He called on international aid agencies to intervene before the situation deteriorated, saying: "Some of the population has reached the stage where they are no longer able to cope."

He said the priority was to deliver water and distribute food to people who had lost their livestock, and the fishing communities.

The most affected villages are Af Kariim, Bashashin, Daankadus, QaanLaaye, Unuun, Harago and Canjeel, all in the Bari region.

The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA-Somalia) said it was in contact with the Puntland authorities. "We have been informed of the situation and we are doing a joint assessment with the authorities in certain areas, to ascertain the extent of the humanitarian needs," said Reena Ghelani, the acting head of OCHA-Somalia.

Instead, this breakaway republic, which declared independence from Somalia in 1991, is marooned in diplomatic limbo. Having not yet achieved statehood, it is without access to formal trade agreements or international financial institutions such as the World Bank.

"The international community has abandoned us," says Hussein Ali Nur, editor of the weekly English-language Republican newspaper published here in Somaliland's capital, Hargeisa. "America talks about supporting democracy, but everything is distorted by the fight against terrorism. Our success is overshadowed by [US] strategic interests in Somalia."

During the last 16 years, as Somalia has torn itself apart, Somaliland's leaders have disbanded a guerrilla movement, drafted a constitution, and held multiparty elections.

Development consultant Mark Bradbury, who monitored parliamentary elections in 2005, says the republic performs as well as, if not better than, other countries in the region, such as Ethiopia and Eritrea, on public participation in the democratic process and freedom of speech. Said Noor, the foreign minister, goes one step further: "We have created a modern, African parliamentary system. It's a model for the region."

The house of representatives is directly elected and the upper house, the house of guurti, is composed of clan elders. Both houses are based on ethnic power-sharing quotas. Bradbury says the arrangement has helped to foster stability by accommodating traditional social structures.

While Somalia is fractured by tension between numerous clans, Somaliland is more homogenous - dominated by one single clan, the Isaq. This social cohesion has played a large part in defining Somaliland's sense of identity and promoting the notion of a separate future.

But not one country has endorsed its claims of sovereignty.

Political scientist Roland Marchal at the Center for International Studies and Research in Paris says the US - and the rest of the international community - may well support Somaliland to achieve independence in the long run, but "timing is everything. What's to be achieved by recognizing a breakaway region in the middle of a bloody and protracted civil war?"

For now, the US State Department seems content to follow the lead of the African Union, which says it's focused on resuscitating failed states such as Somalia - not breakaway republics.

Some African analysts believe Somaliland's independence could form part of a future peace deal within a solution for the whole of Somalia - but fulfilling Somaliland's ambition prematurely could undermine Somalia's fragile Transitional Federal government (TFG), still fighting to establish control over the capital, Mogadishu.

A former British protectorate, Somaliland achieved independence in 1960, but quickly joined with former Italian territories to form Somalia. "We jumped too soon," says Mr. Noor. "It was a mistake."

Key posts in the new unity government went to southerners from Mogadishu, and Somalilanders rapidly felt excluded. Their mounting resentment gave birth to a rebel movement that Somalia's dictator, Said Barre, attempted to crush. His bombing raids of the main urban centers in 1998 killed 50,000 people and left Hargeisa in ruins.

Mr. Barre was ousted in 1991, starting the civil war in Somalia that is still raging - but Somalia's implosion was Somaliland's moment of opportunity. Now its population of 3 million Sunni Muslims wants nothing more to do with rule from Mogadishu.

Noor, a former guerrilla, says that memories of Barre's repression are still so bitter that "any political leaders who agreed to reunification would be killed one by one by our own people."

Bradbury thinks foreign diplomats could learn a lot from Somaliland's experience of reconciliation and reconstruction. He notes that Somaliland "has made huge strides with minimal outside interference, and that hasn't been allowed to happen in Somalia."

While the international community maintains a close interest in Mogadishu's future, Bradbury is concerned that Somaliland is not strategically important enough for foreign governments to invest the time and resources required in recognizing and sustaining independence. "Paradoxically," he says, "that may have contributed to its achievements to date."

The Puntland Minister of Justice and Religious Affairs, Abdirizak Yasin Abdulle, led 40 religious leaders from North East Somalia in a joint declaration of support for polio prevention and immunization.

The UNICEF said in a press release in Nairobi that the declaration could be a major breakthrough for the polio program in Somalia, which has faced resistance from some parents who have cited religious beliefs as a reason to refuse immunization for their children.

"We have a big responsibility. It is now time for the Sheikhs to take in front of Allah their responsibilities for the eradication of polio," said Abdulle.

"We must call for the vaccination of all children under five years of age and work for the benefit of the children."

Polio re-emerged in Somalia in July 2005, after almost three polio-free years, with 185 cases confirmed in 2005, 36 in 2006 and eight in 2007.

"Islamic Scholars are required to effectively support community awareness about polio eradication and immunization in general," Somaliland Minister of Religious Affairs, Mahamoud Sheikh Sufi Mohamed, said while announcing the declaration on behalf of the religious leaders.

"Knowing the facts and proving things is what Islam calls for on any issue. It refuses to follow untrue things and rumors that are not based on knowledge."

The official support from the group of influential Sheikhs followed their participation in a two-day workshop in Garowe.

During the workshop they met with Ahmed Ragaa A. Ragab, a well- known Islamic scholar at Al Azhar University and medical doctor, who dispelled rumors, myths and misconceptions about polio immunization and the polio vaccine.

"We approached religious leaders of Somalia with tremendous respect for their views, with the clear understanding that all questions and concerns were to be raised and answered and we eventually succeeded in building trust in immunization among participants," UNICEF expert Anne Daher Aden said.

The Puntland and Somaliland workshops were hosted by their respective ministries of religious affairs and health with the support of the UNICEF and in collaboration with the World Health Organization.

By the end of the workshops, the religious leaders had not only pledged their support but had identified the role they would play in mobilizing their communities to immunize children.

They agreed to share with their peers at district level the key messages and agreements reached in support of child health and to broadcast immunization messages from their mosques during future polio campaigns.

"We agree with the conclusions of the doctors. Rumors were wrong. Religious leaders must create awareness in all Mosques and among the community," said Sheikh Hagi Ali Ahmed from Puntland.

The next polio campaign will take place across Somalia and Somaliland at the end of July 2007 and in the last week of August.

"The hostility of the Somaliland authorities towards journalists must stop," the press freedom organisation said. "Habane is the second journalist to be arrested in three weeks. None of the basic rights that should be accorded to any detainee has been respected. They have not even given a reason for his arrest. The status of this self-proclaimed independent state offers no excuse for failing to adhere to legal procedure."

Criminal investigation police arrested Habane in the town of Borame, in the Awdal region, on 12 July. According to the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ), the Reporters Without Borders partner organisation in Somalia, he was arrested because of a controversial article on 5 July in which he referred to incidents that took place during the swearing-in of an elder as the local chief. The article caused a stir among those who had supported or opposed the choice of the elder.

The fact that Habane works for "Jamhuuriya" may have been a factor in the decision to arrest him. The newspaper has often been the target of harassment from the Somaliland government. Its editor, Hassan Said Yusuf, has been arrested 15 times in the past 10 years.

Held initially at the Borame police station, Habane has been transferred to a detention centre in Hargeisa.

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) said Abdirahman Mohammed Habane, a journalist with the Jamhuuriya daily newspaper based in the Somaliland capital Hargeisa, was arrested in the town of Borame on July 12.

"The hostility of the Somaliland authorities towards journalists must stop," the press freedom group said, pointing out that another Somaliland reporter was arbitrarily detained for several days and beaten earlier this month.

RSF said the local journalists union believed Habane was arrested over an article on 5 July in which he referred to "incidents that took place during the swearing-in of an elder as the local chief."

Jamhuuriya editor Hassan Said Yusuf has been arrested 15 times in the past 10 years.

"The hostility of the Somaliland authorities towards journalists must stop," the press freedom organization said. "Habane is the second journalist to be arrested in three weeks. None of the basic rights that should be accorded to any detainee has been respected. They have not even given a reason for his arrest. The status of this self-proclaimed independent state offers no excuse for failing to adhere to legal procedure."

Criminal investigation police arrested Habane in the town of Borame, in the Awdal region, on 12 July. According to the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ), the Reporters Without Borders partner organization in Somalia, he was arrested because of a controversial article on 5 July in which he referred to incidents that took place during the swearing-in of an elder as the local chief. The article caused a stir among those who had supported or opposed the choice of the elder.

The fact that Habane works for Jamhuuriya may have been a factor in the decision to arrest him. The newspaper has often been the target of harassment from the Somaliland government. Its editor, Hassan Said Yusuf, has been arrested 15 times in the past 10 years.

Held initially at the Borame police station, Habane has been transferred to a detention centre in Hargeisa.

Abdirahman Mohammed Habane was also arrested on 12 July by officers from the Criminal Investigation Department in Hargeisa the capital city of the de facto independent republic of Somaliland

"These continued arrest of journalists in Somalia in relation to their work is designed to intimidate them and to prevent critical reports," said Gabriel Baglo, Director of the IFJ Africa office. "Journalists must be allowed to perform their duty without any form of intimidation or harassment."

Abdifatah Dahir Jeyte, working with Radio Voice of Peace based in the city of Bossasso, was arrested on 16 July when about 30 soldiers stormed the offices of the radio station. After searching the offices they ordered Abdifitah to go with them to PIS headquarters in Bossasso, were he remains detained. He is accused of sending inaccurate reports to the news media in Mogadishu, which according to the PIS threatens the security of Puntland and spreads misinformation about the semi-autonomous region.

"We don't understand the reasons behind these baseless allegations. This is an outrageous move which we strongly denounce," said Omar Faruk, National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ) Secretary General.

Abdirahman Mohammed Habane, journalist with Jamhuuriya Daily Newspaper, was arrested following a news report that he made on the inauguration of an elder as a traditional leader. Clashes had subsequently taken place between the elder's supporters and those opposed to his inauguration. The NUSOJ believe that his arrest was related to these disturbances.

The IFJ condemned in the strongest possible terms these persistent arrests of journalists in Somalia.

"We call on the Transitional Federal Government, and Puntland and Somaliland authorities to release Habane immediately and unconditionally and to ensure that journalists in Somalia work in a safe environment," IFJ Baglo said.

Officials of the SNSS arrived direct from the capital, Hargeysa, same day as the Yemeni vessel docked at Berbera and headed straight to the port accompanied by a handful of armed policemen, and immediately began searching the Yemeni vessel. Berbera port authority closed down the port while the search was being conducted on the vessel Al-Hamsa. No traffic or personnel were allowed to enter or leave the port while the search was going on.

According to Ahmad Adan, the Haatuf [newspaper] correspondent in Sahil region: "As soon as the SNSS people arrived at the port they began to cordon off the vessel Al-Hamsa and prevented those on board the vessel to alight from the ship and the entire port was shut down by the Berbera port authorities. I managed to sneak into the port but was eventually spotted by the port security and was escorted out of the port gate."

Ahmad Adan reported that he was told, when the ship docked at the port, a local businessman who exports livestock to Yemen stepped off the ship which sailed from Yemen and went straight to his Berbera residence. The local man who goes by the nickname "Waranle" was visited at his home by the SNSS officers soon after they arrived in Berbera, and he was later taken back to the port by the SNSS officials and boarded the vessel.

Ahmad Adan continued: "Throughout Thursday night the vessel was being searched by Somaliland security/intelligence agents, and by 8 a.m. next morning, the ship, its crew and the local businessman were all cleared by Somaliland security authorities when they could not find anything on the Al-Hamsa."

The Haatuf paper correspondent was later told by one of the SNSS officials conducting the search who did not want to be named that they received a tip from the US navy that the vessel 'Al-Hamsa' was carrying explosives intended for "Al-Qa'idah" and Islamic insurgent operatives active in southern Somalia and Kenya. The Haatuf reporter also pointed out that throughout the period the ship was cordoned off by Somaliland's national security, the town sky, its surrounding coastal plains and sea was being visited by an unmarked Hercules AC10 transporter plane, which seemed to be monitoring the Berbera land and sea vicinity and terrain. And this went on right through the night and all day Friday. "Residents in Berbera were frightened all day and night by this airplane flying at a low altitude, and none of Somaliland's officials can explain what this airplane is doing in our airspace."

Ahmad Adan underscored that the SNSS official who spoke to him in confidentiality did not know to whom the airplane belonged and what it was doing in Somaliland's airspace, but almost everyone believes it belongs to the US forces stationed in Djibouti. Ahmad Adan also mentioned that two cargo-carrying vessels that should have docked at Berbera port early Thursday morning have yet to arrive by Thursday night. "There is a strong possibility that all incoming sea traffic into Berbera are being held by US navy ships patrolling inside Somaliland international waters, and that the port closure, the vessel Al-Hamsa's impoundment and search, the Hercules AC10 unmarked airplane flying over Somaliland airspace, and the non-arrival of the cargo-laden vessels which were supposed to reach Berbera in the early hours of Thursday morning are all interlinked.

No one knows what has prompted the US air and navy to conduct these operations. This is the first time Somaliland authorities were asked to search a vessel inside Berbera, and may also be the first time the US navy has unofficially 'blockaded' all sea going traffic destined for the port of Berbera.

After spending a few hours in Mogadishu and conferring mostly with members of the so-called Transitional Federal Government of Somalia (TFG), the European delegation expressed satisfaction with the level of preparations for the meeting that was to take place in four days. When asked about the strong opposition to the conference among the Hawiye clan, Mr Georges-Marc Andre replied: "They have arguments but these arguments are not definite arguments."

Italy's special envoy to Somalia, Mario Raffaelli, was even more upbeat in his assessment of the prospects of the conference and said: "We received good answers and we are going back happy."

Of course, anyone who is the least bit familiar with the situation in Mogadishu knows how mistaken the two Europeans were in their appraisal of conditions there. As if to show the Europeans just how wrong they were, and that contrary to what Andre said, the Hawiye had "definite" arguments against the conference, the level of violence immediately jumped up as soon as the Europeans showed up and the date of the rendezvous in Mogadishu got closer.

It was also odd that the most effusive among the delegation in his praise of the preparations for the conference was the Italian ambassador, Mr Rafaelli. What makes this odd is that Italy's relations with the so-called Transitional Federal Government (TFG) are poor at best. One possible explanation for this discrepancy is that the Italian ambassador was deliberately making matters worse for the TFG by praising them and dismissing the Hawiye in their own turf.

Whatever the intentions of Rafaelli and the rest of the European delegations, the inescapable truth is that the situation in Mogadishu is getting from bad to worse and no amount of distortions will change that stark reality.

A 55-day study trip to Somaliland with Save the Children Denmark has helped a group of young refugee children to be able to figure out who they are and where they come from. Moreover, it can be of benefit to their integration in Danish society.

Many unaccompanied refugee children from Somalia are plagued by the feeling of now knowing where they belong. They must adapt to a foreign culture while at the same time they miss their family. They do not have any parents or other close adults who capable of helping them with the enormous challenge of maintaining their identity as a Somali and at the same time becoming integrated in Danish society. Furthermore, as Somalis in Scandinavia, they often encounter suspicion.

In the summer of 2003, 19 young unaccompanied Somali refugee children from Norway, Denmark and Sweden met their families for the first time in many years. The purpose of the project "Re-establishment of contact to the native country "[JJN1] was to provide a group of young unaccompanied refugee children with reinforced contact to Somaliland, enabling them to attain a better perspective on their own future.

After 55 days in Somaliland, the youth returned with a stronger sense of identity. They have become prouder of being Somali, while at the same time many have also become more aware of Scandinavian values. This is the assessment of the leader of the "Re-establishment of contact to the native country " project, Enlisa Khanna from Save the Children Denmark.

"They have returned home with a stronger sense of who they are and where they come from. At the same time, their families in Somaliland have gained a more realistic idea of the difficulties often experienced by their children living in Scandinavia," says Enlisa Khanna.

Identity important for integration

Several of the youth in the group had not seen their parents for more than ten years, and in two instances they had only had sporadic contact with their family prior to the trip.

Nevertheless, the Save the Children Denmark office in Somaliland was able to trace all of the families and arrange thorough meetings with each family before, during and after the visit.

"It is very important that both the parents and children have gained greater understanding for each other's lives. At the same time, government officials have gained the knowledge that many unaccompanied Somali refugee children in the Nordic countries are struggling with significant problems in their everyday life. Finally, the local community has gained far greater appreciation of the fact that youth need this contact with their families and native country, even though they live in a wealthy country," says Enlisa Khanna.

According to Enlisa Khanna, the reinforcement of the identity of the young Somalis is an important key to better integration in Danish society.

"If young people know where they come from, they have a better sense of who they are and feel more secure, making it easier for them to concentrate on their education. Many of the youth also indicate that after the trip to Somaliland, they will approach their education in a more goal-oriented manner. The important thing now is to help the youth to maintain contact with their families and native country in the long term," says Enlisa Khanna.

The best thing about Somaliland was meeting my mother
19 young, unaccompanied Somali refugee children from Norway, Denmark and Sweden visited their native country and saw their families for the first time in many years. Mubarak, Lula and Sukra tell about what it was like to revisit their native country and families.

"The only thing I could think about when we landed was that I was going to see my mother. I hadn't seen her since 1992, and I missed her a lot. But when we got there, she couldn't recognise me, so my cousin had to bring us together."

19-year-old Lula Abdilahi tells about the emotional day in June, when she and 18 other young, Somali refugees from Scandinavia landed in Hargeisa, the Somali capital. Most of the young people in the group were unaccompanied refugee children, who had come to Scandinavia without their parents in the beginning of the 1990s because of the civil war in the country.

The first meeting

Hundreds of parents and other relatives waited anxiously outside of the wire fence around the airport. They were to see their children for the first time in many years.

Lula remembers that she shed a tear. The young people had spent the night at a hotel in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Abeba, and she had not been able to sleep all night. Instead, she and the other four girls in the group spent the night talking, getting ready and replacing their western clothing with traditional Somali dresses.

"It was great, but also very strange to see my mother after so many years. My mother still regarded me like a little girl, even though I have taken care of myself in Denmark for many years. For example, she didn't want me to go out in the evening, and there were times where we argued when I went out visiting," says Lula Abdilahi, who was sent to Denmark in 1992 because of the war in Somaliland.

At a course in Hargeisa

For 55 days in the summer of 2003, the group was in Somaliland to re-establish contact with their families and to learn more in general about the country they had left. They lived with relatives and participated in a number of educational activities arranged by Save the Children Denmark in co-operation with the Somali Ministry of Education and Havayoco, a local organisation.

18-year-old Sukra Abdilkadir and 17-year-old Mubarak Hassan from Copenhagen also participated in the trip. Sukra left Somaliland together with her family when she was four years old because of the war. She lived in Russia for several years prior to arriving in Denmark in 1995. She was re-united with her mother after several years of separation, and today she lives together with her family in the Copenhagen suburb of Frederiksberg.

Hassan Mubarak arrived in Denmark at the age of seven in 1993 after the death of his mother. In the beginning he moved in with his father, who was living in Denmark. He later moved in with an uncle in Jutland, and finally settled in with a foster family. The last half year he had lived on his own in a dormitory in Copenhagen.

Sukra and Mubarak attend commercial school, while Lula completed her schooling two years ago. At the moment she is considering her options for secondary education.

Regarded as immigrants

The first days in Somaliland were the most difficult for the three youth. The poverty was entirely overwhelming in the beginning. Somaliland has enjoyed peace the last five years, but the civil war was worn hard on the already dirt-poor desert country. Thousands of families that have returned from refugee camps in Ethiopia survive in crude huts constructed from branches and grass mats.

"Of course I could remember the poverty from when I was little, but I could not remember that it was so bad. In the beginning the worst thing was the cockroaches that came out in the evening. It took a long time before I could sleep at night," says Sukra, who lived with wealthy relatives while in Somaliland.

Mubarak, like the others in the group, was very shocked when they visited a psychiatric hospital and saw patients in chains.

As Somalis from Denmark, the youth were automatically regarded as rich, and in the beginning both Mubarak and Lula had relatives and friends asking them for money.

"Many in my family are poor. One of my cousins has ten children, and she can only afford to send two of them to school. I would like to help them, but I just can't afford to do so. I even experienced that some Somalis wanted to be my friend just because they thought I had money," says Lula.

The three youth were also regarded as foreigners in Somaliland. "The funny thing was that when we returned to Somaliland, we were also called immigrants," says Lula and laughs aloud. Sukra tells of how she felt it was irritating when children on the street teased her because she did not speak correct Somali.

More Somali

A couple of weeks after the return to Denmark, Mubarak, Lula and Sukra are convinced that the best part of the trip was getting to know their family and Somali culture. They were also enthusiasatic about the teaching concerning Somali culture and social relations that was part of the project.

"I have a big family in Somaliland. It's great to know I have them," says Lula.

"My friends say that I have become more Somali and more polite," says Mubarak. Since the visit he has decided to approach his education in a more goal-oriented manner.

"I have to get cracking. Maybe I have been a little too lazy with my school for a few years. I have decided that I want to get an education, finish my commercial school exam, and then I want to go to university," says Mubarak.

But could the three young people imagine moving to Somaliland? "Yes, I would like to live there, if the conditions allowed my children to get an education. And I don't want to be a housewife, which almost all of the women in Somaliland are," says Sukra, and Lula nods along. Mubarak would like to return and help with the re-building once he has completed his education.

"I met many young people in Somaliland who actually have a good education, but still can't get a job. So it won't be easy." For the time being, Sukra, Mubarak and Lula can agree about one thing: they definitely want to visit Somaliland again as soon as possible.

In the picture, Sukra Abdilkadir is seen together with her mother in Somaliland. Sukra left Somaliland at the age of four and saw her family again for the first time in the capital of Hargeisa in autumn 2003.

1. On the instructions of His Excellency President Dahir Rayale Kahin, President of the Republic of Somaliland, the Foreign Minister of Somaliland Minister Abdillahi Duale paid a Visit to Ghana from 23 June to 3 July 2007.
2. The Foreign Minister of Somaliland was accompanied by the Ghanaian & Western African Special Envoy on Somaliland, Mr. Steve Mawuenyega and other senior African advisors.
3. The Ghanaian Foreign Minister Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo welcomed the Foreign Minister of Somaliland and his delegation to Ghana, and reiterated Ghana’s commitment to peace and stability in the Horn of Africa as a pre-requisite to continental union.
4. The two countries acknowledged the need to advance and consolidate Somaliland’s stability, its emerging democracy and peace in the Horn of Africa.
5. The Parties reaffirmed the need to identify key areas such as education, economic investments as a vehicle to drive forward areas of co-operation between the two countries. Ghanaian business institutions expressed willingness to share their expertise for Somaliland’s up-coming Presidential election identification process and investment opportunities.
6. Both Parties noted that since the establishment of Somaliland’s presidential and parliamentary democracy in 2003 and 2005 respectively, a number of bilateral agreements including on Development and Security Co-operation have been signed with Ethiopia and the UK.
7. During the Visit, the Foreign Minister of Somaliland, met with key Ghanaian institutions such as the chair of Foreign Affairs Committee of Parliament, the Commandant of Koffi Anan International Training Centre, the Head of Ghanaian Investment Development Centre. The Minister also met with his counterparts the Foreign Ministers of Kenya and Ethiopia and the representatives of a number of countries such as South Africa, Cape Verde, Canada, Portugal, Turkey and USA, on the sidelines of the AU Summit.
8. The Foreign Minister of Somaliland congratulated HE President John Kufoor for his tenure as Chairman of the African Union and for successfully hosting the AU Heads of States and Government Summit during his visit to Ghana where issues of continental integration were discussed and ratified, including the key protocol on the African Union Non-Aggression and Common Defense pact, which is critical for the integration and success of the African Union.
9. The two Parties also exchanged views on the latest regional, continental and international developments. Both Parties recalled Nepad’s strategic goal of advancing stability and good governance in Africa as the official development policy of Africa.

   The Foreign Minister of Somaliland briefed the Foreign Minister of Ghana on the growing bi-lateral relations with Somaliland’s key neighbour Ethiopia and the on-going exchange of visits between Addis Ababa and Hargeisa including the recent meeting of the Ethiopian Foreign Minister of State in Hargeisa with H.E. the Somaliland President and the recent meeting of H.E. the Ethiopian Prime Minister with H.E. the Somaliland President in Addis Ababa. Also discussed was the recent successful meeting held between the President of Somaliland and the Italian Minister for African Affairs as well as the briefings on the visit to Sweden and Norway.

   The Foreign Minister of Somaliland commended and thanked the Foreign Minister of Ghana for raising the matter of Somaliland at the Executive Council Meeting of the African Union on 29 June 2007. Both Parties, recalled that Professor Alpha Konare, Chairman of the African Union Commission, while presenting his annual report at this Executive Council meeting emphasised that the African continent had to deal with the reality of Somaliland’s existence and to engage with the unsettled international legal status. This follows through on the African Union’s Executive Council Meeting in Addis Ababa of 26 January 2007, where the then Chairman of the Executive Council from the Republic of Congo, concluded:

   “…there is a reality in Somaliland that cannot be ignored. …. We cannot afford to close our eyes or shy away from that reality. It is in the interest of Africa to pay attention to these issues. There were positive developments in Somaliland, including the restoration of stability and peace, the establishment of democratic institutions and processes and the efforts deployed internally towards reconstruction. Some of these achievements in Somaliland should inspire the rest of Somalia. This is an issue that is now known to the African Union policy organs and it should be discussed at an appropriate time”.

   The Foreign Minister of Somaliland briefed his counterparts that Somaliland has taken the principled policy decision to allow diplomacy to take its path, since its engagement with the African Union since 2003. Its now 16 years since the establishment of Somaliland and its people have patiently endured the pain of the difficulties of non-recognition, notably the pain of meeting the UN Millennium Development Goals, especially in health, education and housing. It clear that the international community, via the regional body IGAD, is holding Somaliland’s people and its children prisoner to events in Mogadishu, by suggesting that Somaliland await the outcome of the up-coming Mogadishu National Reconciliation Conference. IGAD countries are intensely divided, more concerned about Mogadishu and are unable to engage Somaliland’s case for self-determination and to advance this emerging democracy as a reliable partner of the family of nations.

   The Foreign Minister of Somaliland expressed with regret that that the delay of advancing the case of Somaliland will sadly lead the Government of Somaliland and its people to review its existing foreign and defense policy and to seriously consider other options. The clear neglect of Somaliland’s urgent humanitarian and development needs by the international community has led the masses and many senior Somaliland elders to question the credibility and legitimacy of promoting the diplomatic approach to Somaliland’s quest for international recognition.

   The Foreign Minister of Somaliland further re-iterated that Somaliland wishes good relations with Somalia and to see Somalia a stable and peaceful neighbour. We are ready to share our experience of national reconciliation, state building and the creation of a successful democracy and to assist in stabilising the south in any way we can. The Minister urged the Transitional Federal Institutions to focus on stabilising the still difficult situation in Mogadishu rather than opposing the reality that is Somaliland’s independent status. The TFI’s obstructionist and uncreative approach to Somaliland’s quest for international recognition and further developing its nascent democracy adds unnecessary tension in the Horn of Africa and undermines its own efforts to stabilise Mogadishu.

10. The Foreign Minister of Somaliland commended the Ghanaian Parliamentary delegation for its fact-finding visit to Somaliland in March 2007. Both Parties reiterated that peace, democracy and stability are a prerequisite for socio-economic development in the region and the continent.
11. The Foreign Minister of Somaliland commended Ghana as a non-permanent member for its role at the United Nations Security Council and for advancing the African agenda.
12. Discussions were conducted in a friendly and frank manner reminiscent of the re-emerging sisterly links between the countries.
13. The Foreign Minister of Somaliland on behalf of the Government of the Republic of Somaliland and its people expressed his gratitude to HE President John Kufoor, the Government and the people of Ghana for the warm hospitality accorded to him and his delegation throughout their stay in Ghana. The Minister, once again, expressed Somaliland’s appreciation for hosting H.E. President Kahin’s on the historic occasion of Ghana’s 50 Years Celebration on 3 March 2007.

ISSUED IN ACCRA, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Somaliland, 3 July 2007

Inquiries: + 233 24 941 41 87 or +233 24 344 47 19 Mr. Steve Mawuenyega

Notes for Editors:

1- Somaliland was a British Protectorate. It gained independence on 26 June 1960, was recognised as an independent state and then voluntarily joined on 1 July 1960 the ‘Somali Democratic Republic’.

2- The union went disastrously wrong for Somaliland. Somalilanders were excluded from decision-making and discriminated against. The Somali Republic descended into a civil war in which Somaliland was invaded and destroyed by the military regime of Siyad Barre.

3- The Republic of Somaliland, as re-constituted on 18 May 1991, is a reversion to the independent state of Somaliland of 1960 within the same agreed borders of the 1960 state. It did not secede from the Somali Democratic Republic, but reverted to the status quo ante.

4- Somaliland is a functioning democracy with an elected President and Assembly. Its independence was emphatically endorsed by Somalilanders in a referendum in 2001. Its one of the only countries in Africa where the opposition parties have a majority in its Parliament.

5- An African Union fact-finding mission in 2005 acknowledged that Somaliland’s independence does not set a precedent for the redrawing of colonial boundaries in Africa because Somaliland has simply re-declared itself an independent state within its former British colonial boundaries.

7- On 26 January 2007, the Rwandan Foreign Minister proposed to the AU Executive Council that the matter of Somaliland be discussed. The proposal was opposed by the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia and as a consequence was not agreed. The Government of Somaliland believes nonetheless that this discussion was an initial first step towards getting the AU member states seized with the Somaliland issue.

8- Abdillahi Mohamed Duale was appointed Foreign Minister of the Republic of Somaliland in August 2006 and HE President Dahir Rayale Kahin was elected President of Somaliland in 2003.

The country requires a station that can be heard in every corner. However, Radio Horyaal is expected to give a balanced news to its Somaliland listeners.

Hadhwanaag website is encouraging the government to respect the independence of the media and to allow the different views of the Somaliland people heard equally. The website congratulates Horyaal, and wishes success in the hard task that lie ahead which it's doing for the nation. The website said that it is sure Horyaal will air balanced reports that are in the interest of the Somaliland people.

The agricultural belt (Borama-Gebiley-Hargeisa) is inhabited by the 5-15% of the population (about 120,000 people) who forms the agro-pastoral group. They farm but agriculture is considered as a complement to livestock production.

The prospects for cereal production from the 1999 Gu season are of concern at this stage of the cropping season.

As in recent years, however, there is hope that the next cropping period (mid-July to October) will perform better.

Rainfall

Somaliland has a unimodal rainy season with two to three peaks succeeding one another, from late March/April to September/October. This year, rains came unusually early at the beginning of March in the agro-pastoral areas of Somaliland (Awdal and Woqooyi Galbeed) but were intense and of short duration, benefiting the livestock but not the farms. The main Gu rains, expected in the early part of April, were scanty and unevenly distributed so far.

Land cultivated and planted

The total area cultivated during the current cropping period of the Gu season is estimated at about 6,400 ha of which only 5000ha germinated (3,500ha of maize, 1,400ha of sorghum and 100ha of other crops). (Note that at this stage of the season, more early-maturing maize is planted so that food is available first.) The 1999 crop is thus less than those established by the Gu crop assessments in 1998 (7000ha) and 1997 (11,700ha). The reduction of the area under cultivation can be explained by the following factors:

? Short and irregular rains did not provide enough moisture to the soil and discouraged farmers to invest in ploughing and cultivation.
? Insufficient incomes from the low livestock prices and low cattle milk production limited access to agricultural inputs, particularly seeds, tractors and oxen. Moreover, assistance with credit and farm ploughing from relief agencies diminished.
? Reduced access to food for the poorest farmers meant lower levels of human energy at the beginning of the season when most vigorous activities take place.

Crop condition and prospect

Only about 20% of germinated maize (700ha) is currently in good condition and is expected to produce a reasonable yield; the remainder is partially already wilted due to the lack of moisture or is being used as fodder by farmers because its grain producing capacity is nil. Sorghum is performing better owing to its relative resistance to water stress. Approximately 50% of the germinated sorghum (700ha) are expected to produce some yield. The other crops (mainly millet and cowpeas -100ha-) planted are performing relatively well.

The geographical distribution indicates that Borama district may experience an almost total failure of harvest whereas most of the limited production is concentrated in Gebiley district. The production of cereals expected from the 1500ha of germinated plants is estimated at 1500MT, based on historical yields data.

Food Security

Livestock is the major source of livelihood in the rural areas of Somaliland. Agriculture is considered as a complement to livestock production. However, the agro-pastoral livestock (mainly cattle) are not as mobile and fewer in numbers than pure pastoral livestock and tends to rely on the fodder and water in the farms. This group thus relies on farming for both their family and livestock, and derives from it approximately 50% of food and income. Furthermore, insufficient rains in the first part of 1999 and probably overstocking had also caused a grazing deficit, weakening animals.

Food availability appears scarce in the agro-pastoral areas, with food stocks nearly exhausted in most of the households. The rise of local cereal prices and the fall of the agro-pastoralists’ purchasing power exacerbate food insecurity.

Recommendations

Previous FSAU ‘FLASH’ reports indicate that this group has required assistance as its coping mechanisms are being stretched. The following interventions would reduce the risk of a similarly poor cropping season in August and help expand the planted area:

? Improving access to tillage for at least 3000 ha.
? Improving access to seed.
? Provision of FFW for the poorest household until October, when the next cropping season’s harvest is due.

A further field assessment in July/August is planned by FSAU to update the above projections. This Flash is extracted from a report on the assessment of the Gu in Somaliland that is available on request from FSAU. FSAU is managed by WFP/Somalia, funded by EC/Somalia, the Italian Co-operation and WFP/Somalia, and supported by USAID/Somalia and FAO. FSAU partners are WFP/Somalia, FAO, FEWS/Somalia and SCF/UK. Telephone: (254-2) 622929, 622947 * Fax (254-2) 622698 * Email:

According to informed sources, the letter is made up of eight pages. It is not known how it was delivered to the party.

This response [from the Ethiopians] had been predicted and comes after some Kulmiye Party officials called for a meeting with Ethiopian officials. The letter is said to urge the party to contact the Ethiopian embassy in Hargeysa.

Ethiopia made it clear to Kulmiye Party it was keen to see peace and stability in Somaliland. This position is said to be contained in the letter of reply.

The opposition parties (Kulmiye and UCID) late last year jointly convened an open debate which brought together all segments of society to discuss the possible repercussions of what was then happening in southern Somalia. The two parties did not at the time come out clearly in support of the Union of Islamic Courts. However, the feeling then was that the Ethiopian ambassador, Wibshet Dimise - who was invited to the forum and followed the proceedings through translation - did not like some of the speeches made at the forum.

The chairman of UCID, Eng Faysal Ali Warabe, has in the past said Ethiopia's intervention in southern Somalia can cause instability in the Horn of Africa. However, he has been modifying his position recently as some of his latest speeches show; at times saying Somaliland had many things in common with Ethiopia and its people. [Passage omitted]

Hon Ali Muhammad Waran-Adde announced the ban when he gave an interview to the independent TV station , HCTV [Hargeysa Cable TV].

The minister returned recently from a duty trip to Addis Ababa. The aim of the visit was to discuss with the Ethiopian government the dispute sparked off by the decision of the Ethiopian Airlines to suspend all flights to Hargeysa. The two sides have now agreed that the company should resume its flights to Somaliland.

The minister also announced Ethiopia would donate modern equipment to the airport in Hargeysa. This equipment would assist in the security screening of passengers going through Egal International Airport. Source: Jamhuuriya, Hargeysa, in Somali 3 Jul 07 BBC Monitoring

July,01,07 - Hargeisa, the peaceful capital of the self-proclaimed state of Somaliland, has become a new centre for the Somali Diaspora wanting to perform female genital mutilation (FGM) on their daughters. Most live in countries where FGM is strictly forbidden, including when this is done abroad.

A team from the Norwegian public broadcaster 'NRK' last week visited Hargeisa, where it easily found practitioners of the outlawed practice of FGM (also referred to as "female circumcision" or "female cutting"), which is widely condemned as strongly harmful to women and girls, also by many Muslim religious leaders.

The Somalilander women performing FGM did so privately or in open cooperation with public health facilities in Hargeisa, where most worked as midwifes. Among Somalis, female genital mutilation is very widespread and the UN estimates that 98 percent of women in Somaliland and Somalia have been subjected to the harmful practice.

In most countries where the large Somali Diaspora is represented, however, FGM is strictly outlawed. Research nevertheless shows that a majority of Somali parents living abroad ignore the laws of their host country and continue exposing their daughters to this culturally based practice.

And as southern Somalia remains an unsafe destination, peaceful Somaliland has emerged a safe haven for Somalis wanting to visit friends and family. Or wanting to stick to traditions.

The 'NRK' team met with ten FGM practitioners in Hargeisa saying they had performed the cut on at least 185 Somali girls living in Norway. The practitioners further confirmed that Norway-based parents were popular clients as they paid "well", typically euro 20 each girl. European summer holidays were seen as the top season for these women performing FGM.

Based on these data, it is estimated that thousands of young girls are brought to Hargeisa each year from Europe alone to undergo the mutilation. Somali women rights organisations all over Europe and North America have for years tried to address this practice, knowing that each summer holiday, hundreds of young girls are taken to Hargeisa for just this reason.

In Norway, this revelation caused a public outcry and fuelled the debate about how to better enforce national legislation outlawing FGM. Politicians have proposed anything from information campaigns targeting Somalis in Norway, to obliging medics to report cases they come over to the police and introducing obligatory health tests for girls returning from summer holidays in Somalia.

While Somali parents living abroad can be taken to court for child abuse after having taken their daughters to Somaliland to undergo FGM, the Hargeisa practitioners operate in full legality. Attempts to outlaw FGM in Somaliland have so far failed.

But there are an increasing number of Somalilander voices calling for government action against FGM. Poet and journalist Bashir Goth recently protested against the "physical torture and mutilation of women's God-given sexual organs," adding the "practice should be banned and Somaliland should join other pioneer African countries including neighbouring Djibouti in ratifying the Maputo Protocol that seeks to outlaw FGM."

Also among Somalilander health workers, there is an increased discussion about the harmful practice. Hargeisa midwife Safia Dualleh Farah, who guided the 'NRK' team, strongly objected the practices but said she understood her colleagues performing FGM. "They are cutting the girls on their spare time because they earn too little working in hospitals or health centres. They say they cannot afford to stop," she told 'NRK'.

A few women groups in Hargeisa have started to raise awareness on the harms and dangers of FGM, but little has been achieved so far. As Somaliland remains a non-recognised country, little international effort is put into fighting FGM here, contrary to for example neighbouring Ethiopia, where a majority of young mothers now reject the practice following intensive information campaigns.

The UN children agency UNICEF together with the Senegal-based women rights organisation Tostan until know have been able to arrange a few sensitising seminars in Somaliland, focusing on "human rights to ensure human dignity," according to Tostan Somaliland supervisor Suleiman Mahdi Sh Hassan. The Hargeisa government so far however has shown little interest in supporting this work.

© afrol News

Talks on the reunification of Somalia are continuing in Nairobi, but they will take place without the Republic of Somaliland. The breakaway republic in northwestern Somalia has declared that the negotiations are simply not its concern:

According to a statement issued on Sunday by the region's information minister, Abdullahi Duale, Somaliland was not a party to the Somali conflict.

"There are no Somaliland military forces operating on Somali territory," the statement said, adding that Somaliland had "refrained from interfering in Somalia's internal affairs despite numerous provocations".

Somaliland, which occupies the territory that was known as British Somaliland during the colonial era, is under increasing international pressure to join the Nairobi peace talks. Ironically, this pressure is occurring at a time when Somaliland is solidifying its position as an independent state.

The Republic of Somaliland "declared unilateral independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991," although the hard part was probably finding something to declare independence from. The past decade has actually been Somaliland's second experiment with independence, having been an independent nation for five days in 1960 before uniting with Italian Somaliland pursuant to a dubious referendum. After the collapse of Somalia following the Siad Barre era, a convocation of clan elders met at Hargeysa; on 15 May 1991, they declared the establishment of an independent republic.

Throughout the 1990s, Somaliland was governed by the Council of Elders and Muhammad Ibrahim Egal, a president elected by the council. Democratization was delayed by a civil war during the mid-1990s, but a transitional constitution was adopted in 1997, and parliamentary elections were subsequently held. A constitutional convention continued to meet with the goal of facilitating Somaliland's transition from a tribally-based republic to a democracy, and the final draft of a permanent constitution was completed in 2000. In May 2001, the constitution was approved by 97 percent of the voters in a referendum that was generally regarded as free and fair by international observers, although there were some reported irregularities in the Sool region and the vote may have been more an endorsement of independence than the constitution as such.

The Somaliland charter creates a constitutional regime that bears some resemblance to Iran. Although religious freedom is guaranteed, Islam is the state religion, and Article 33(1) of the constitution states that "promotion of any religion in the territory of Somaliland, other than Islam, is prohibited." Other provisions of the constitution entrench some aspects of shariah as Somaliland law.

The constitution provides for democratic multiparty elections, but these are subject to a religion-based vetting system. Candidates for office are required to be Muslim and "of good moral character" in addition to being secondary-school graduates, and the political parties law of 2000 prohibits parties that do not affirm a commitment to shariah. An electoral commission, of which all members must be Muslim, has responsibility for ruling on applications for registration by political parties and examining candidate lists.

The House of Elders also continues to exist as a concession to the clan-based roots of Somali society. Members of this house are required to be 45 years old - an advanced age in a country where life expectancy hovers around 48 years - and must be "[people] who [have] a good knowledge of the religion or an elder who is versed in the traditions." It is understood that most of the members of this chamber, which can initiate "legislation relating to religion, traditions (culture) and security" or review non-financial laws enacted by the House of Representatives, will be traditional clan elders.

Article 115 of the constitution also creates an ulema, or religious council. Unlike the Iranian Council of Guardians, it does not appear that the ulema has direct veto power over laws or candidates for office. Nevertheless, it is empowered to provide opinions to the government, legislature and courts as to whether a particular law or administrative act violates shariah, and can do so on its own as well as when requested. It is likely that in a traditional country like Somaliland where the judicial system is still in the early stages of development, the ulema will wield considerable influence.

Within these limitations, however, Somaliland has made great progress toward democratic rule, especially at the local level. Local elections in which the ruling UDUB party faced stiff opposition were held in December 2002, and national elections are scheduled for later this year. A lively press, including the independent English-language Somaliland Times, has developed in Hargeysa, and the country's first university was inaugurated in 2000.

The human rights record of Somaliland has been mixed, especially during the civil war of 1994-96. According to Amnesty International, there have been scattered allegations of torture, politically-motivated prosecutions and official intimidation of judges and journalists. Nevertheless, Amnesty gives the Somaliland government credit for improving human rights:

In Somaliland and Puntland, where central governmental administrations have been re-established, the human rights situation is markedly better than in other regions of former Somalia. Somaliland went through a period of localised civil war in 1994 to 1996, but has largely avoided the bitter factional fighting to which Mogadishu and parts of the south have been subjected. The Somaliland administration in Hargeisa has made significant progress in rehabilitating political, social and physical infrastructure.

The international position of Somaliland is more problematic than that of Puntland, a district in northeastern Somalia that has declared its intention to participate in a future federal Somali state rather than declaring independence. Somaliland has thus far not been recognized by any other country, although there has been informal cooperation with Sudan and Ethiopia. Relations between Ethiopia and Somaliland are particularly close, with each country maintaining a liaison office in the other's capital, but Ethiopia has been reluctant to be the first nation to recognize Somaliland's independence. Britain and the EU have also sent informal missions and aid to Somaliland, with the EU using the Somaliland port of Berbera to ship food aid to Ethiopia.

The case for international recognition of Somaliland is a strong one. It is an imperfect democracy, but it has provided a functioning state to its citizens for the past twelve years, which is more than can be said for anyplace else in Somalia. Most residents of Somaliland have no apparent desire to reunite with Somalia, and an argument can be made that their consent to unification was never properly obtained in the first place. Nor is there any compelling reason to reconstitute Somalia in its pre-1990 form, which is a demonstrably failed state united by little besides language and colonial borders.

The future of Somaliland may be as an independent state or as a constituent part of a federal Somali republic. That choice, however, should be up to Somaliland's people.

The two-roomed units are low-cost and part of a project that started in 2003 targeting 1,800 families - returnees from Ethiopian refugee camps who remained displaced in Burao, Togdeer region. The community initiative was supported by the UN International Labour Organization (ILO) and other partners.

"When we returned from Ethiopia, we came to live here because we had nowhere else to go. We had no land or house elsewhere," Hassan said. "The permanent houses protect us from the strong winds and the rains that have become more common nowadays."

Working through village committees, the ILO and its partners have expanded their activities to include a range of technically simple projects that benefit the returnees, such as brick-making and road upgrading.

"The committees are put in charge of the resources, with communities providing contributions mainly in the form of labour," said Abdikarim Egeh, ILO programme officer. "This creates a sense of local ownership of the projects."

The initiative is also addressing rampant unemployment by involving community members in labour-intensive projects where an unskilled labourer is paid US$3 per day and skilled labourers are paid $8. Women too participate in some of the projects.

"It is a way of putting money in people's pockets," said Andrea Berloffa, field officer with the European Union.

Egeh said the money was being channelled back into the community, with most people establishing petty trades from the income. Community contracting was also stimulating economic growth by improving market access due to the upgrading of roads; such as the Ali-haydh road in the Awdal region - one of the main transit routes to Djibouti.

Challenges

The ILO is also involved in environmental - water and soil conservation - projects, as well as small and medium enterprises. According to officials, its community contracting initiatives have been especially successful within rural settings.

However, there are challenges, especially relating to sustainability. According to the country programme manager for Somalia/Somaliland for Oxfam GB, Peter Kisopia, there is a need for capacity-building to ensure sustainability once supporting organisations leave.

"We should build skills to improve project management sustainability by balancing infrastructure development with that of skilled manpower," Kisopia said.

"There is a need to prepare communities to sustain infrastructure such as roads; otherwise this ends up being a waste of money. If you dig a road and there is no proper maintenance it becomes an erosion path," he added.

The challenge is even greater in a situation where there is no functional local authority or the government lacks the funds to sustain the projects, as in Somaliland.

"There is a need for small-scale projects that are locally sustainable and that communities are comfortably able to sustain," he said, "In my opinion, helping 20 or 30 families get out of poverty is a better approach."

The head of UN World Food Programme's Hargeisa sub-office, Amadou Samake, said follow-up was needed "because even if you give the local people the skills to manage a project, this will not be sustainable without funds".

Admittedly, there was a need for an exit strategy when the project ended, but with a proper follow-up mechanism in place, he added.

Environmental questions

Gathered at a stake-holder meeting on 25 June in Burao, the beneficiaries were excited to be moving into their new houses but suggested they should be made bigger. "The two-roomed houses are still insufficient due to the large size of an average Somali family," Abdi Hussein Said, the governor of Burao told the gathering.

Alongside him, Fuad Aaadan Adde, minister of environment and pastoral development in Somaliland, called for programmes that also considered the environment. "The environment here is very fragile and there is rampant cutting down trees for charcoal production for export, especially to Yemen," he said.

The two-roomed houses are still insuffficient due to the large size of an average Somali family. "There is also insufficient ground cover to hold water and prevent erosion, leading to recurrent floods, which destroy people's livelihoods," he added.

Many at the meeting agreed with him, saying most of the problems facing the communities were associated with environmental and climatic conditions and needed to be urgently addressed.

They cited recurrent drought and flooding, which they said had led to destitution and loss of livelihoods. Kisopia said this called for disaster preparedness and mitigation through the development of early warning systems - something that could not be done in two or three years. "There is a need for long-term commitment," he said.

There is no doubt that the Imbhagati made government of Somalia is contemplating how to create chaos and unrest in Somaliland to bring it under it's control, but the irony is Somaliland has a democratly elected government , has declared that she is no longer part of Somalia, withdrew it's union with Somalia and declared it's independent in May 18 1991. Somaliland has been peaceful and has held free and fair presidential election and Parliament. For the last 16 years since Somaliland declared it's independence, Somalia was in chaos and was ruled by clan/sub-clan Warlords, while in Somaliland there has been law and order.

Somaliland was not spared from Warlodism rule which reigned in Somalia for the last 15 years, because the current Warlord preident who ruled Majertenia his clan, currently known as Puntland claimed parts of Somalialnd , Sool and Eastern Sanaag regions , just because the inhabitants of this area belong to his Harti sub-clan of Darood. Somaliland and the clan militia of Putland has fought numorous time over the disputed territory of Somaliland.

Beside the disputed area between Somaliland and Majertenia/puntland , the people of Somaliland built thier ruined citites by late dictator, who was clan leader of Somalia, like the current Warlord president of Somalia, A/Yusuf.

The people of Somaliland were subjected to attrocitees, genocide and clan cleansing in early eighties until late eighties, over 100,000 of Somalilanders were killed while half a milion were displaced and became refugees in Eastern Ethiopia, when the cold war was at it's highest peak. Where both USA and the Soviet union palyed a big role in the suffering of Somaliland people,when Africa was a proxy war place between the USA and the Soviet Union and weapon testing for both.

For the last 16 years the Warlords of Somalia who were at each others throat for power and resource have tried 13 reconcilation conferences in Djibouti, Ethiopia and finaly Keyna, which produced the current Imbaghati made government of Warlords or TFG. Somaliland has never participated in the so called Somalia Warlord reconciliations, but there were always some self nominated individuals from Somaliland, who are in the so called TFG of Warlords , who claim that they represent the people Somaliland , like Ismail Buuba and others.

Buuba and his likes are considered traitors in he eyes of Somaliland people and could be jailed if they set a foot in Somaliland. The people of Somaliland had spoken by the ballot boxes and have chosen thier leaders democraticly. USA, European union, South Africa and international election observers had commended the way Somaliland Presidential and Parliamentary election were conducted.

Many Europen deleges has come and gone to see and witnnes what the Somaliland people have done for themself and all of them praised the job Somaliland has done for themself and what they have acompolished. Two years ago an AU fact finding delegation visited Somaliland and apprecitated what the people of Somaliland has acompolished , the peace and the development the Somaliland people has achieved.

Few months ago members of the Kenyan parliament visited Somaliland and could not believe what they saw in Somaliland comparing , to the current Somalia they know, and have indicated after they returned to Kenya that the Somaliland issue be debated in the Kenyan Parliament. Ethiopia , the current TFG allie , has good relation with Somaliland , both countries has economic and security coopration. For last the siteen years , sicne Somaliland declared it's independence countless delegates from both countries Ethiopia/Somaliland have visited each country to strenght thier relationship.

Ethiopia also has a good relation with Puntland/Majertenia , economical and security coopration both. Ehtiopia has trained some Somaliland military officials and now provides training for the Puntland militia. However the Somaliland people and government, feel lost and worry, what the Ethiopian and USA role is going to be, after the unelected TFG of Somalia takes complete grip of Somalia, since both countries helped the TFG militarily and logisticly in ousting the marching Islamic courts from Somalia?

Last moth when the skermishes broke out between Somaliland and the clan militia of Puntland in DAHAR, Sanaag of Somaliland , the Puntland clan officials accused Somaliland for starting the war, to overthrow the TFG of Somalia.

The Prime minister of IMbaghati government, Gedi, also accused Somaliland of being terrorists and that terrorists were behind skermshes between Somaliland and Puntland , a rhetoric that became common fot the TFG officials to gain international support for their hidden agenda. While the Somaliland government condemned and sentenced the terrorist who were reponssible for the killing of foriegn aid workers , just few days before his allegation.

There is no doubt that the unelected TFG of Somalia is contemplating a proxy war against the people of Somaliland through Puntland, by supporting the Puntland clan militia against Somaliland. It's not also a secret that the clan militia of Puntland possess a large amount of weapon supplied by Ethiopia.

The people of Somaliland believe that the current TFG leader, A/YUSUF and his clan administration of Puntland , are reponssible for the delay of it's recognition. The Somaliland people see the TFG leader, as clan leader and not as a nation leader, and it will be very difficult for the Somaliland people and it's government to hold talks with Somalia so long A/YUSUF is in charge.

The people of Somaliland could have been put against the wall by the international community to accept the TFG, and consider reuniting with Somalia. But that is not the case now , the backs of the so called international community is against the wall , because they are aware of what Somaliland has accopmlished , be it democray, good governance, the return of thousands of refugees , peace, stability and development without outside assistance or their help.

While on the other hand the internationally recognized TFG , is a government chosen by Warlords and led by Warlords , who have commited tons of human right violation and crime against humanity .

No doubt the Somaliland people might have been persuaded to join Somalia, if the current Somalia's TFG were a government chosen by the people of Somalia, like the government of Somaliland, where their right, freedom, peace and the progress would have been protected and they didn't have to worry what to loose except to gain , economically and development, if the people of Somaliland had to reconsider union. Today if the international community imposes, the TFG of the warlords on the people of Somaliland, if the last Somaliland person dies resisting it , it would be a win win situation for the people of Somaliland, even if they are wiped-out from face of the earth , and it would be a disgrace, failure and shame for the so called international community.

Finally the mounting questions are, what role could Ethiopia play in resolving the Somaliland/Somalia conflict, would it protect it's neighborly friend from carnage of the TFG, or would it side with the TFG clan militia to run-over Somaliland, would it deployt it's troops between Somaliland/Somalia until the issue solved , would it be an honest peace broker between the two ?

What role WOULD the AU/IGAD/UN and Arab league is going to play, is their excuse is going to be again we could only deal the legitimate legal authority, TFG. OR are they going to respect the will of the Somaliland people for choosing their destiny?

What role is the AU peacekeepers going to play when the problem arise between Somaliland and the TFG that they protect from it's people? Would it deploy peacekeeping force between Somaliland/Somalia or would it keep protecting the unelected TFG of Somalia?

What role would the European Union will play in tackling the Somaliland/Somalia conflict? What role would England will play, in resolving the Somaliland/Somalia conflict?

And finaly what role would the USA play , would it protect the fledgling democracy of Somaliland and preserve the value she believes in, human right, freedom , democracy, free enterprise and freedom of speech. Or would it buy, the TFG rhetoric , "Somalilanders are terrorists".

An evidence for this lack of political distinctiveness in the political outlook of the three parties is the fact that members in the parties easily shift from one party to the next without undergoing any changes in their ideological views. To illustrate this point let us just consider the case of the former Somaliland Defense Minister, an UDUB die-hard, who after he was sacked from his position, changed parties overnight when he walked over to UCID as if he was changing jobs.

Posing the question of whether this former defense minister has any guilt feeling of ever serving under UDUB or defecting to UCID, we can confidently state no. Because there are no moral or ethical codes that binds his loyalty to either one party. In other words like any other party member in any of the three parties he has no problem divided loyalty. We believe that such stance is precarious and poses a major weakness for the political maturation process of our young democracy.

This case shows that the line between the parties is extremely fine. But such fine line between parties is not conducive to the political development in the country. This precarious stance therefore needs to be challenged. And if we genuinely want changes to take place, hopefully for the better, we need new blood of politicians. We will outline how this can be achieved. But the second disadvantage of leaving the three established parties unchallenged is that they become complacent, politically rusted and indifferent towards voters. For if they are serious about their electorates each party would develop their own distinct pathway. We therefore foresee a danger if these parties to continue to dominate the political landscape of the country: we run the risk of becoming a qat republic.

Due to these mounting concerns regarding the manipulation and deception of the voters by the ill advised established parties and the political stalemate facing the country, it is our belief, that throwing political gates wide open for new parties to join or independent candidates to run for elections, will be better alternative to being stuck with UDUB, UCID or KULMIYE. In our view, the country needs more than three political parties to compete for local government elections to be in tune with its’ infant democracy. It is of utmost importance that in every local election, more parties are allowed to participate. This has several advantages. First, such opportunities for new political parties would work as an effective way of doing checks and balances into the depth of the political conviction these parties claim to hold dear.

Challenging them will, in our view, awaken them and force them to live up to the promises they pledge in their campaigning. Second, it will allow other young dynamic politicians to enter the political arena without being fostered by the established political structures, which are obviously, not up to their jobs. We might also argue that with the opening of these gates to the formations of political parties, different stakeholders, such as women groups, youth, and minority or otherwise underprivileged groups will be represented in the political arena. In addition to the allowing of new parties to participate in the local elections, we are suggesting that independent candidates be allowed to run for elections, which is clearly not in violation of the Somaliland Constitution.

Third, such arrangements will, we hope, add new dimension to the political maturation of Somaliland. It needs to be emphasized that the emerging new political movements will certainly not cause inconvenience for the voters. Rather, they will give the voters choices, and most importantly also a pay-back opportunity to settle scores with their elected parties that do not deliver. As for any of the established parties, the idea of losing their strongholds to the emerging movements will arguably force them to respond to the plight of the voters. This will trigger their consciousness to validate their existence and that they are indebted and accountable to the voters. In addition they will come up with tangible programs instead of fooling the voters into hollow promises. Competition that results from allowing emerging parties into the political game will obviously vitalize the political life of the country’s leadership. At the same time instead of voting with their feet, voters will feel that their verdict is being respected, their voices being heard and most importantly that their votes do count. In short the view we are ventilating here is one that will give voting a new dimension: for after all voting should make a difference.

Another benefit of competing with the established parties is that such open democracy will work to the country’s advantage as an emerging democracy in a region characterized by wars, dictatorship and human suffering and consequently likely that we can win the sympathy of international spectators. Also by initiating today an open and fair election race we lay the foundations for a robust electoral system with inbuilt checks and balances for future generations. As it currently stands, voting in Somaliland looks more like carte blanch given away to visionless political parties and their leadership. Having more contenders will add an impulse to the clinically dead visions of UDUB, UCID and KULMIYE. Multi-party race at local government elections will not necessarily mean that we have similar system at national level. In this respect we find it acceptable to have three major parties, but our point is that the three dominant parties will not be the current parties per se. In their place new parties could emerge that better represent the general public of Somaliland. So at any election term the three parties with the most votes will participate in the general elections. Our position is not to replace the existing three parties with a new set of three other parties for the sake of it. We envisage that this open race will continue until recognizable distinct parties emerge and until such time when switching from party to the other, as in the Defense Minister case, becomes politically taboo. But for now at municipal elections we recommend that grass rooters are given the opportunity to challenge the established.

After a bitter struggle for its independence, Somaliland Republic and its people deserve to get their hard earned rights!!! By hijacking the destiny, these despots, both in the ruling party and in the opposition, are trying to distort the truth of the matter: protecting their positions. The citizens of this precious Republic deserve better as the time is long overdue for them to harvest the fruits of their struggle. They need leadership with vision and leadership that can deliver.

Unfortunately, Somalilanders have fallen prey to bankrupt politicians, and this is exactly why we have in the above argued for challenging the established parties. Viva la Luta. La Luta continua. The struggle must continue!!!

In 1992 U.S. commandos “stormed” the beaches of Somalia in what was known as Operation Restore Hope. The United States was invading Somalia to, as was told to the public, restore law and order to a country devastated by anarchy, and to feed the population. As then-President George H. W. Bush told the nation in a televised address on December 4, 1992:

“I want to talk to you today about the tragedy in Somalia and about a mission that can ease suffering and save lives. Every American has seen the shocking images from Somalia. The scope of suffering there is hard to imagine. Already, over a quarter of a million people--as many people as live in Buffalo, New York--have died in the Somali famine. In the months ahead, five times that number, 1.5 million people could starve to death…There is no government in Somalia. Law and order have broken down--anarchy prevails.”

Across Africa similar crises were causing mass devastation, yet U.S. Marines were not dispatched to deal with these humanitarian crises. For instance, Human Rights Watch reported on Mozambique: “…The disappearance of any form of effective government throughout most rural areas of the country has appeared to draw closer by the month. The severe drought of 1991-1992 undermined the unified command of both armies, as soldiers turned to looting and pillaging to provide for themselves. Relief agencies are already describing Mozambique as ‘the next Somalia.’”

So why was Somalia the chosen country? The mainstream media applauded the administration’s efforts at humanitarian intervention, and seemingly not a critical murmur was sounded as to why Somalia was chosen over Mozambique, Ethiopia, Angola or countless other nations.

A 1993 Los Angeles Times article offered a clue. This article was completely ignored by other media outlets, yet gave critical insight into an important resource Somalia had – oil. According to the article, “Nearly two-thirds of Somalia was allocated to the American oil giants Conoco, Amoco, Chevron and Phillips in the final years before Somalia's pro-U.S. President Mohamed Siyad Barre was overthrown..." This article also called into question Conoco’s cozy relationship with the U.S. government, pointing out that the U.S. had leased its de facto embassy from the corporation.

Newly-declassified State Department documents offer more evidence concerning the significance of oil behind the intervention. The documents, released in response to two Freedom of Information Act requests filed by the author, highlight the role Conoco played in the years leading up to the invasion and also briefly highlight Conoco’s support for U.S. government operations in the country.

Civil war brought the downfall of Siyad Barre in January 1991. The conflict prompted the U.S. and most other nations to close their embassies, and for most oil companies to cease exploration efforts. On July 27, 1990 Conoco suspended operations briefly when its security captain and a fuel truck driver were shot and killed. By April 1991 Conoco notified the State Department it was ready to restart operations. The economic gains would have been great – perhaps even surpassing Hunt Oil’s windfall in Yemen (which was pumping some 200,000 barrels per day in the late 1980s). According to a June 20, 1991 cable from Richard Barrett, then-U.S. Ambassador to Djibouti, “[A source] claims to have seen an internal document of Conoco (Somalia), which states that sites in the Garoe – Las Anod area are capable of producing 300,000 barrels of oil per day…A confirmed strike could pre-empt moves toward reconciliation…It could also set off battles between clans for control of land where drilling is expected.”

Conoco’s Support

Conoco had long been providing support to State Department missions, from providing space on corporate aircraft traveling to Mogadishu, to housing and feeding State Department and other government employees, to even arranging security for government personnel. Some examples of Conoco’s support:

• From a May 21, 1991 cable from the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi: “Two USG [U.S. government] employees would travel to Mogadishu several days after Conoco re-occupies its offices on June 4…USG employees would be welcome to stay with Conoco and would be protected throughout their stay by Conoco’s private guard service.”

• From an October 9, 1991 cable from the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi: “Embassy is in daily contact with Conoco ( Somalia), Ltd...During four visits by USG officials to Mogadishu over the past several months, Conoco ( Somalia), Ltd. has provided the following security: USG officials are met at the airport by armed guards and escorted via convoy to the Conoco residence…USG officials move about Mogadishu as little as necessary. When they do, they are provided with armed guards. USG officials sleep and take their meals at the Conoco compound. When they leave Mogadishu, they are again escorted to the airport via convoy under armed guard…The aircraft…is in constant radio contact with the Conoco compound while in flight, which further facilitates security…”

• From an October 11, 1991 cable from the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi (discussing plans for an assessment mission to arrive the following week): “Conoco, a non-USG entity, has basically given the ‘green light’ for this mission. It is not Conoco’s call to do so. Conoco security is excellent. Their guards are well-paid and well-armed…” Concerned that the security situation might deteriorate, Deputy Chief of Mission E. Michael Southwick warned “someone could get hurt. If the latter be the case, Conoco, which has no legal responsibility to protect official USG personnel, will say ‘we tried our best’ and the USG is faced with both an embarrassing political and legal dilemma. A mission of this importance may warrant the use of U.S. military or DS [Diplomatic Security Service] Security assets.”

The assessment mission visited Mogadishu from October 17 – 20, 1991, ostensibly to evaluate the political and security situation in Somalia. The U.S. Embassy had been closed due to civil unrest, and the delegation was tasked with reviewing properties for a small diplomatic mission. According to the October 22, 1991 summary of the delegation: "There are, at present, few American citizens in Somalia. Conoco ( Somalia), Ltd., however, anticipates re-commencing oil exploration work in southern Somalia within the next several months. According to Conoco, this would involve the introduction of 50-60 Amcit employees into Somalia. If the security situation does not deteriorate, it would be realistic to project a total presence of around 100 Amcits in southern Somalia by the middle of 1992. Such a community would justify a consular presence in Mogadishu.

"There are, at present, only two US firms (Conoco and Turnkey) operating in Somalia. Others, especially in the oil sector, are considering resuming operations. These firms will sometimes require the type of diplomatic support best provided by a permanent diplomatic mission.”

In early December 1992, the State Department leased Conoco’s headquarters to serve as the new diplomatic mission (technically the U.S. Liaison Office). The State Department would pay Conoco $41,260 for six months rent. As Michael Parenti noted in Against Empire, “ U.S. taxpayers were paying for the troops in Somalia to protect Conoco's interests, and they were paying the corporation for the privilege of doing so."

By mid-December, arrangements were made for " a letter of appreciation from President Bush to the president of Conoco for the tremendous support that Conoco as a corporation and Raymond Marchand [of Conoco ( Somalia), Ltd.] as an individual have provided here." We know how Somalia turned out – with U.S. soldiers dragged through the streets, the U.S. withdrawal, and with oil companies still hungry for Somali crude. During the occupation of Iraq, with the president’s secret energy task force, high oil prices, and the unquestioned power and influence of the oil companies, both the reasons for and lessons from Somalia must be fresh in our minds.

Source: The narcosphere

And mind you, this crude and unethical tactic is not just employed by the ignorant, but is even used by the educated among the Somaliland-haters, such as Abdi Ismail Samatar and his brother Ahmad. It was actually these two brothers who pioneered this tactic of trying to destroy the reputation of anyone who shows even the least sympathy to Somaliland. For instance, when Anthony J. Carroll and B. Rajagopal published an article in the prestigious Journal of International Law & Politics in which they argued that Somaliland has a sound legal basis for independence, Mr. Abdi Samatar in an article in the Journal of Modern African Studies, v.30 no.4 1992, accused the authors (without providing any evidence) of having received $60, 000 from the SNM for writing the article.

When the above tactics don’t work, then the Somaliland-bashers accuse the foreign person of some sort of sexual malfeasance. If the foreign supporter of Somaliland happens to be married to a Somalilander, then they would say that person is supporting Somaliland only because they are married to someone from there. Lately though, some of them have gone even farther and have been saying that Somalilanders are recruiting Western gays to champion their cause.

The Somaliland haters use these nasty tactics while at the same time mouthing pieties about democracy, integrity and human rights. It is as if it never occurred to them that a person can actually believe in, or support a cause, without some monetary, sexual or any other gain. One of the people who was recently targeted by the Somaliland haters is the journalist Peter Tachel. But it looks like they got more than they bargained for. They thought they could frighten him and force him to quit having anything to do with Somaliland, instead their poisonous smear campaign only made him double his efforts to bring Somaliland’s case to the world’s attention, as evidenced by the superb TV program that he put together entitled “Somaliland – Africa’s Success Story”. Here is the program:

http://doughty.gdbtv.com/player.php?h=da465ea81df7521fcd7afda16d1b5ad9 Enjoy it, and let it be a lesson to the Somaliland haters, that there are things in life neither money nor sex can buy.

Abdirahman Muse Omar, told SL Times, while being held in detention at Hargeysa central police station, that he went to the mayor’s office around 10 am Thursday morning to cover a news item he was preparing for Thursday evening news slot. When he arrived at the mayor’s office, he told the mayor’s secretary that he wanted to interview the mayor about the morning’s forceful eviction of Abdi Adan Aynanshe and his family of 11 children from the old unused Pepsi Cola factory grounds by the local authority police.

Abdirahman Muse Omar continued, “when the secretary informed Mayor Jiir of my presence, he immediately came out of his office and said to me ‘what the hell do you want?’, I replied I would like to ask you few questions about this morning’s forceful eviction of the family of 11 and the demolition of their home at the old Pepsi Cola factory grounds by your local authority, and whether the order for this eviction came from your office. As soon as I uttered these words Mayor Jiir jumped at me and tried to grab the TV camera out of my hands, which I resisted and struggled vehemently with the mayor. He couldn’t take it out of my hands because I was clasping it tightly with my both hands, and this is when the mayor hit me in the face with his right hand and started to hit me with his knees on my thighs and hips and at the same time he was screaming at the top of his voice that I should let go of the camera, which I did. The mayor then took the camera away and ordered his two bodyguard policemen, who were present in the office, to arrest and detain me in one of his office room chambers.”

The news editor was later transferred to the central police station on Thursday night, after spending more than 10 hours locked up in the mayor’s detention chambers at the local city hall headquarters.

SL Times spoke to Mayor Jiir on Thursday evening, but he declined to discuss the journalist’s arrest and detention. At the same time, SL Times asked the commander of Hargeysa’s Western division, the police force responsible for the journalist’s detention, Mr Adan Goon, why Abdirahman Muse Omar is being held in detention?

The commander said that he had no knowledge of the journalist's detention or of his arrest, therefore, he could not comment on it. SL Times tried to contact the chief of Somaliland police, Mr Saqandi Dubad regarding Abdirahman Muse Omar’s arrest and detention, but could not locate him by telephone.

The family of Abdirahman Muse Omar were denied by the central police station officers, on Thursday night, to deliver food and bedding to the detained journalist. The journalist’s family was told by undisclosed sources at the central police station that they were given orders by the mayor not to let any person see Abdirahman Omar.

This is not the first time a journalist working for the independent media was arrested, detained and assaulted by Mayor Jiir.

In 2005, Jiir attacked and imprisoned Haatuf reporter Mawlid M Shaqale for wanting to interview the mayor about the forceful eviction of 10 families from their homes in Hargeysa. Again, Haatuf reporter, Muhammad A Jibril was assaulted and imprisoned by Mayor Jiir in 2004 when the reporter tried to question the mayor inside parliament building about the heaps of mountain refuse forming in some of the city’s districts.

The local city police force and police headquarters is heavily bank rolled by Jiir. The mayor can detain and hold any person who questions his management of the local authority, and is untouchable when it comes to having a hand in major corruption scandals inside the city authority. He is also a member of the illegal government security committee overseeing the security matters in the region.

A number of local and international media organizations have demanded the immediate release of Abdirahman Muse Omar, the news editor for SLTV.

Somaliland Society of Independent Journalists and writers issued a statement on Friday demanding for the immediate release of Abdirahman Muse Omar. Mr. Mawlid M Shaqale of SSIJW said, “It’s most unfortunate that this incident ever took place. The mayor should be immediately dismissed from the local authority and taken before a judge for assault, criminal damage and illegal imprisonment of Abdirahman Muse Omar.”

Mr Shaqale urged the government to investigate this incident and take appropriate action against those police force officers guilty of Mr Abdirahman Muse Omar’s arrest and detention. Abdirahman Muse Omar is still in detention as we go to press.

Reporters Without Borders has condemned the arbitrary behaviour of mayor Hussein Mohamoud Ji'ir of Hargeisa, the capital of the northern breakaway territory of Somaliland, who on 28 June 2007 slapped journalist Abdirahman Musse Omar several times in the face and then had him arrested.

"The only explanation for Omar's continuing detention is abuse of authority by the mayor," Reporters Without Borders said. "Omar must be released at once. His arrest is the result of an archaic view of authority. It is the mayor, not the journalist, who should be punished since, as far as we know, Somaliland's laws do not permit this kind of abusive behaviour."

When Omar went to the Hargeisa city hall at 10 a.m. (local time) on 28 June, the mayor came out of his office and asked who had come to see him. Omar said he wanted to get his comments on the deadly clashes that had taken place between police and residents in a suburb of Hargeisa. Instead of replying, the mayor snatched his camera and began to slap him. Security guards then locked him up in one of the two cells that have been built inside the city hall. Last night he was taken to police headquarters in Hargeisa, where he is still being held.

A Somaliland journalist told Reporters Without Borders that Omar was due to appear in court on 30 June. It is not known what charges will be brought against him.

Hussein Mohamoud Ji'ir, the mayor of the Somaliland capital of Hargeisa, on Thursday slapped Abdirahman Musse Omar several times and ordered his detention, the Paris-based watchdog said in a statement.

Omar was seeking the mayor's reaction to deadly incidents that had pitted police against residents of one of Hargeisa's suburbs, RSF said. "The only explanation for Omar's continuing detention is abuse of authority by the mayor," RSF said in a statement.

"Omar must be released at once. His arrest is the result of an archaic view of authority. It is the mayor, not the journalist, who should be punished since, as far as we know, Somaliland's laws do not permit this kind of abusive behaviour."

A Somaliland journalist told RSF that Omar, who was transfered to Hargeisa police headquarters, is due to appear in court on Saturday. It is not known what charges will be brought against him.

Somalia's Puntland and neighbouring Somaliland regions have declared a form of autonomy and have enjoyed relative stability compared to Somalia proper, which has been wracked by lawlessness since the 1991 ouster of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre. Foreign nations and rights watchdogs have urged Somali national and regional authorities to refrain from repressing free media journalists as the nation struggles to restore law and order.

LIFE IN A REFUGEE CAMP

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Rebuilding Somaliland: Issues and possibilities.

The Horrors Of Indiscriminate Aerial And Artillery Bombardment

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Somaliland: The Kurds of Somalia?

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Commentary: Somaliland Deserves A Better Treatment

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Somaliland Marches On!

Interview with Mrs Maryan Ibrahim Abdi, chair of Somaliland Heritage

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Somaliland: Paper Criticizes US Support for Peace Conference in Mogadishu

Somaliland - Rising Fears And Frustration

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The little micro-nation that could;

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